[雙語翻譯]空氣污染外文翻譯--通過社會實踐的經(jīng)驗感知城市空氣污染（英文）

1、Contents lists available at ScienceDirectHealth England Athletics, 2013). All this makes running an easily accessibleform of exercise, particularly when finding the time to exercise inmodern societies means working aroun

2、d what are often felt to be in-creasingly busy schedules (Hitchings and Latham, 2016; EnglandAthletics, 2017). From a public health perspective, this is a positivetrend, since the health and wellbeing benefits of regular

3、 aerobic ex-ercise are numerous. They include reduced risk of chronic health con-ditions such as coronary heart disease, obesity, diabetes and stroke, aswell as improving mental health by enhancing mood, self-esteem andr

4、educing fatigue (Department of Health, 2011).Yet the environments in which people run are not always conduciveto health. Urban air quality is of particular concern in this regard due tothe effects of emissions from vehic

5、les, buildings and industry. So,though running is encouraged in terms of public health, those who runin cities, and who will likely be running at traffic level, are defined as an‘a(chǎn)t risk’ group, due to their increased ex

6、posure to vehicular pollution,which in many cities is the main source of air pollution (Carlisle andSharp, 2001; Greater London Authority, 2017a). Those focused onathletic impact therefore advise exercising away from the

7、 roadsidewherever possible when running in cities (Carlisle and Sharp, 2001;Sharman et al., 2004). In the UK, London Air Quality Network (2017)goes as far as to suggest planning to avoid outdoor exercise during highpollu

8、tion events and in heavily polluted areas. However, in most citiesavoiding the roadside is difficult. Furthermore, it is not at all clearwhether those who seek a healthy lifestyle through regular urbanrunning are particu

9、larly attuned to the dangers of air pollution.This paper examines how air pollution risk is refracted through theexperienced breathing of London runners. Though other cities routinelyexperience far higher levels, polluti

10、on has recently become a priorityfor London policymakers as it has been recognised as one of the mostpolluted places in the country with over 9000 people being estimated todie each year as a result of its ‘dangerously’ a

11、nd ‘illegally’ poor airquality (Greater London Authority, 2017b:19). We begin by arguingthat studies of air pollution risk perception might usefully turn to thosetaking part in relevant social practices. Then we consider

12、 what existingresearch suggests about the extent to which runners are activelythinking about the environments through which they run. After that,with reference to debate about the value of interviews in researchinghttps:

13、//doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2018.07.009Received 17 March 2018; Received in revised form 21 June 2018; Accepted 15 July 2018? Corresponding author.E-mail address: r.hitchings@ucl.ac.uk (R. Hitchings).Health and Place

14、53 (2018) 26–33Available online 23 July 20181353-8292/ © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.Tand the material environment.Other studies, however, emphasise how environmental features canbe pushed out of the cons

15、ciousness of runners. Hockey (2013) describesa mix of meditation and physical monitoring for the more experiencedrunner who moves into and out of states of ease, exertion and en-vironmental engagement over the course of

16、a training run. Hitchingsand Latham (2016), when comparing indoor treadmill runners andoutdoor runners in London, find that an absence of distracting en-vironmental variation can be precisely what is valued by some runne

17、rsbecause that absence helps them to keep going. Similarly, in developingan argument about how exercise should be understood theoretically,Andrews (2017: 210) draws attention to the idea of ‘running hot’,namely a desirab

18、le state of ‘immersement and involvement in physicalactivity’, associated with unselfconscious participation and ease ofmovement. In such states, environmental variation would appear to beeither willfully ignored by thos

19、e who run or effortlessly decoupled fromtheir running experience. So, whilst the trend towards greater recrea-tional running has become a topic of growing interest for qualitativeresearchers hoping to contribute to broad

20、er public health, the inter-pretations of those who have studied relevant groups of runnersthrough these means currently differ in terms of how actively engagedwith their material environments they appear to be.2.3. Brea

21、thing awareness and the running experienceThis paper links this discussion to air pollution perception researchthrough a focus on how recreational runners relate to their breathing.This is a potentially challenging means

22、 of exploring environmentalengagement because breathing is generally taken to involve a largelysubconscious process through which air is straightforwardly inhaledinto the lungs to allow respiration (Edwards, 2005). In vi

23、ew of thisapparent lack of consideration, social researchers interested inbreathing have generally focussed on groups of ‘a(chǎn)ware breathers’(Macnaughton and Carel, 2016:304) whose attention is, for variousreasons, drawn to

24、 this basic physiological process. Lande (2007), forexample, has examined the process by which particular forms ofbreathing are willfully acquired by army cadets as they are recruitedinto a culture of composed and capabl

25、e soldiering. Another example isEdwards’ work on how ‘yogic breathing’ aims to ‘calm, quieten andrefresh the mind’ (2005:33). Finally, and moving closer to the empiricalfocus of this paper, Allen-Collinson et al. (2016)

26、have examined theexperience of asthma amongst sportspeople. They highlight how ex-ercisers, through an awareness of their breathing, become attuned totheir own corporeality and that of others.In their examination of brea

27、thlessness, Macnaughton and Carel(2016) contend that cultural studies of breathing could usefully bridgethe gap between clinician and patient experience (see also Oxley andMacnaughton, 2016). In this paper, we argue they

28、 may also help bridgethe gap between those who encounter air pollution during particularactivities and those who would influence them in pursuit of publichealth. In this respect, we would position recreational runners as

29、 agroup of potentially ‘a(chǎn)ware breathers’. Paying attention to theirbreathing is often given as advice to athletes (Schücker et al., 2009) andrunning at high altitudes through air with comparatively low oxygencontent

30、s is a strategy of elite runners who hope thereby to increase theiroverall athletic performance (Rusko et al., 2004; Lundby et al., 2012).Though we must be careful about extrapolating from studies ofsportspeople to those

31、 who may merely enjoy the experience and effectsof exercise (Hitchings and Latham, 2017b), this suggests that runnersmight take a particular interest in how and what they breathe. Hockeyargues breathing provides a ‘const

32、ant and almost instantaneous feed-back’ (2013:133) during training runs, Edwards highlights how thestrategy of focussing on breathing can encourage a positive ‘dissociatedthinking’ (2005:35) amongst runners, and Allen-Co

33、llinson (2008)stresses how attention to the breathing of others helps in the func-tioning of running groups. However, before the present study, howmuch any of this applied to how solitary recreational runners related tou

34、rban air pollution was unclear.3. Method3.1. Studying the exercise experience through practitioner talkIn attempting to understand the lived experience of sport and ex-ercise, many researchers have been reticent about th

35、e suitability of theotherwise common method of interviewing. Some argue that we shouldstart by respecting the ‘silence of sportspeople,’ an idea which Bourdieu(1990:166) uses to highlight how practitioners may have littl

36、e need,desire or ability to provide any analytical account of what they aredoing. The concern here is that research methods centred on the ex-amination of respondent talk cannot help but place undue emphasis onrelatively

37、 abstract forms of conversational reasoning in ways that takeanalysis away from the physical responses and embodied routines thatare often discussed with difficulty but clearly central to the exerciseexperience (see, for

38、 example, Wacquant, 2004 on this). Recent ex-amples of researchers showing a degree of reticence about the effec-tiveness of the interview in this regard include Nyberg (2015:500) ex-amination of the practical knowledge

39、of skiiers, which is only ‘possibleto articulate to a certain extent’ and Griffin's (2017) work on olderAustralians in which ‘body anchored interviewing’ is used as a means ofgaining better access to the importance o

40、f embodied learning. Othersinclude Kumate and Falcous’ (2017) Judo study in which participationis thought essential to generating the truest understanding of the ac-tivity and Owton and Allen-Collinson (2017) work consid

41、ering howartistic representations of dance might usefully supplement more tra-ditional methods by allowing the researcher to surface relevant ‘bodymemories’.Arguments such as these encourage exercise researchers to think

42、quite carefully about how they understand and analyse talk, rather thanuncritically turning to the interview because of its familiarity. In re-sponse, the present paper draws on recent accounts of ‘social practicetheory’

43、 (see, for example, Hui et al., 2017) to position combinations ofthought and speech as component parts of the ‘practice’ of running.Looking at the social world through this theoretical lens encourages theresearcher to ex

44、amine how the practice ‘fills out the social context’(Schatzki, 2017: 130) and ‘a(chǎn)ttributes’ mental states to its practitioners(Schmidt et al., 2017: 151). Rather than framing the interview as aquestionable ally in an att

45、empt to understand how patterns of physicalmovement are acquired and experienced, these ideas encourage us toinvert the commonplace idea of action following intention to examinehow practices gain strength by attracting s

46、ome combinations of thoughtand speech and repelling others (on this see also Schatzki, 1996). Wedrew upon these ideas in the present study because we were particu-larly interested in how certain ways of talking and think

47、ing served tosecure the continued participation of those who have been running forsome time. In terms of the potential for pollution perception, the focus,following this logic, was on how, when and why certain environmen

48、talfeatures were welcomed into the thought and the talk of establishedrunners. In this respect, the current lack of consensus about the amountof active consideration given by recreational runners to their sur-roundings p

49、ointed to the potential of our approach. This is because itencouraged us to pay particular attention to how, when and why activeconsideration happens through the close analysis of which discussiontopics were readily take

50、n on by respondents and which proved morechallenging.3.2. Case study and data collectionFourteen participants were interviewed in this study, with in-dividual interviews lasting between 35 and 70 min. Though this was are