外文翻譯--外商直接投資溢出效應(yīng)研究

1、<p>　　中文3853字，2135單詞</p><p><b>　　文獻(xiàn)一：</b></p><p>　　Research on Spillover Effect of Foreign Direct Investment</p><p>　　1. Introduction </p><p>　　In rece

2、nt decades, economists have begun to identify technical progress, or more generally, knowledge creation, as the major determinant of economic growth. Until the 1970s, the analysis of economic growth was typically based o

3、n neoclassical models that explain growth with the accumulation of labor, capital, and other production factors with diminishing returns to scale. In these models, the economy converges to steady state equilibrium where

4、the level of per capita income is determined by savin</p><p>　　The policies needed to achieve growth and development in the framework of these models is therefore straightforward: increases in savings and in

5、vestments and reductions in the population growth rate, shift the economy to a higher steady state income level. From the view of developing countries, however, these policies are difficult to implement. Low income and d

6、evelopment levels are not only consequences, but also causes of low savings and high population growth rates. The importance of technica</p><p>　　From the 1980s and onwards, growth research has therefore inc

7、reasingly focused on understanding and ontogenetic technical progress. Modern growth theory is largely built on models with constant or increasing returns to reproducible factors as a result of the accumulation of knowle

8、dge. Knowledge is, to some extent, a public good, and R&D, education, training, and other investments in knowledge creation may generate externalities that prevent diminishing returns to scale for labor and physical

9、cap</p><p>　　Along with international trade, the most important vehicle for international technology transfer is foreign direct investment (FDI). It is well known that multinational corporations (MNCs) under

10、take a major part of the world’s private R&D efforts and production, own and control most of the world’s advanced technology. When a MNC sets up a foreign affiliate, the affiliate receives some amount of the propriet

11、ary technology that constitutes the parent’s firm specific advantage and allows it to comp</p><p>　　However, MNC technology may still leak to the surrounding economy through external effects or spillovers th

12、at raise the level of human capital in the host country and create productivity increases in local firms. In many cases, the effects operate through forward and backward linkages, as MNCs provide training and technical a

13、ssistance to their local suppliers, subcontractors, and customers. The labor market is another important channel for spillovers, as almost all MNCs train operatives and mana</p><p>　　It is therefore not surp

14、rising that attitudes towards inward FDI have changed considerably over the last couple of decades, as most countries have liberalized their policies to attract all kinds of foreign investment. Numerous governments have

15、even introduced various forms of investment incentives to encourage foreign MNCs to invest in their jurisdiction. However, productivity and technology spillovers are not automatic consequences of FDI. Instead, FDI and hu

16、man capital interact in a complex ma</p><p>　　2. Foreign Direct Investment and Spillovers </p><p>　　The earliest discussions of spillovers in the literature on foreign direct investment date bac

17、k to the 1960s. The first author who systematically introduced spillovers (or external effects) among the possible consequences of FDI was MacDougall (1960), who analyzed the general welfare effects of foreign investment

18、. The common aim of the studies was to identify the various costs and benefits of FDI. </p><p>　　Productivity externalities were discussed together with several other indirect effects that influence the welf

19、are assessment, such as those arising from the impact of FDI on government revenue, tax policies, terms of trade, and the balance of payments. The fact that spillovers included in the discussion was generally motivated b

20、y empirical evidence from case studies rather than by comprehensive theoretical arguments. </p><p>　　Yet, the early analyses made clear that multinationals may improve locatives efficiency by entering into

21、 industries with high entry barriers and reducing monopolistic distortions, and induce higher technical efficiency if the increased competitive pressure or some demonstration effect spurs local firms to more efficient us

22、e of existing resources. They also proposed that the presence may lead to increases in the rate of technology transfer and diffusion. More specifically, case studies showed tha</p><p>　　(1) Contribute to eff

23、iciency by breaking supply bottlenecks (but that the effect may become less important as the technology of the host country advances); </p><p>　　(2) Introduce new know-how by demonstrating new technologies a

24、nd training workers who later take employment in local firms; </p><p>　　(3) Either break down monopolies and stimulate competition and efficiency or create a more monopolistic industry structure, depending o

25、n the strength and responses of the local firms; </p><p>　　(4) Transfer techniques for inventory and quality control and standardization to their local suppliers and distribution channels; </p><p&

26、gt;　　Although this diverse list gives some clues about the broad range of various spillover effects, it says little about how common or how important they are in general. Similar complaints can be made about the evidence

27、 on spillovers gauged from the numerous case studies discussing various aspects of FDI in different countries and industries. These studies often contain valuable circumstantial evidence of spillovers, but often fail to

28、show how significant the spillover effects are and whether the re</p><p>　　For instance, many analyses of the linkages between MNCs and their local suppliers and subcontractors have documented learning and t

29、echnology transfers that may make up a basis for productivity spillovers or market access spillovers. However, these studies seldom reveal whether the MNCs are able to extract all the benefits that the new technologies o

30、r information generate among their supplier firms. Hence, there is no clear proof of spillovers, but it is reasonable to assume that spillovers are </p><p>　　Similarly, there are many works on the relation b

31、etween MNCs entry and presence and market structure in host countries, and this is closely related to the possible effects of FDI on competition in the local markets. There are also case studies of demonstration effects,

32、 technology diffusion, and labor training in foreign MNCs. However, although these studies provide much detailed information about the various channels for spillovers, they say little about the overall significance of su

33、ch spillove</p><p>　　The statistical studies of spillovers, by contrast, may reveal the overall impact of foreign presence on the productivity of local firms, but they are generally not able to say much abou

34、t how the effects come about. These studies typically estimate production functions for locally owned firms, and include the foreign share of the industry as one of the explanatory variables. They then test whether forei

35、gn presence has a significant positive impact on local productivity once other firm and indust</p><p>　　Research conclude that domestic firms exhibited higher productivity in sectors with a larger foreign sh

36、are, but argue that it may be wrong to conclude that spillovers have taken place if MNC affiliates systematically locate in the more productive sectors. In addition, they are also able to perform some more detailed tests

37、 of regional differences in spillovers. Examining the geographical dispersion of foreign investment, they suggest that the positive impact of FDI accrue mainly to the domestic f</p><p>　　The results on the p

38、resence of spillovers seem to be mixed; recent studies suggest that there should be a systematic pattern where various host industry and host country characteristics influence the incidence of spillovers. For instance, t

39、he foreign affiliate’s levels of technology or technology imports seem to influence the amount of spillovers to local firms. The technology imports of MNC affiliates, in turn, have been shown to vary systematically with

40、host country characteristics. These impo</p><p>　　Some recent studies have also addressed the apparent contradictions between the earlier statistical spillover studies, with the hypothesis that the host coun

41、try’s level of technical development or human capital may matter as a starting point. </p><p>　　In fact, in some cases, large foreign presence may even be a sign of a weak local industry, where local firms

42、 have not been able to absorb any productivity spillovers at all and have therefore been forced to yield market shares to the foreign MNCs. </p><p>　　3. FDI Spillover and Human Capital Development </p>

43、;<p>　　The transfer of technology from MNC parents to its affiliates and other host country firms is not only mbodied in machinery, equipment, patent rights, and expatriate managers and technicians, but is also re

44、alized rough the training of local employees. This training affects most levels of employees, from simple manufacturing operatives through supervisors to technically advanced professionals and top-level managers. While m

45、ost recipients of training are employed in the MNCs own affiliates, the be</p><p>　　Types of training ranged from on-the-job training to seminars and more formal schooling to overseas education, perhaps at t

46、he parent company, depending on the skills needed. The various skills gained through the elation with the foreign MNCs may spill over directly when the MNCs do not charge the full value of the training provided to local

47、firms or over time, as the employees move to other firms or set up their own businesses. </p><p>　　While the role of MNCs in primary and secondary education is marginal, there is increasingly clear evidenc

48、e hat FDI may have a noticeable impact on tertiary education in their host countries. The most important effect is perhaps on the demand side. MNCs provide attractive employment opportunities to highly skilled graduates

49、in natural sciences, engineering, and business sciences, which may be an incentive for gifted students to complete tertiary training, and MNCs demand skilled labor, which may</p><p>　　Many studies undertaken

50、 in developing countries have emphasized the spillovers of management skills. There is evidence of training and capacity development in technical areas, although the number of detailed studies appears smaller. </p>

51、<p>　　While training activities in manufacturing often aim to facilitate the introduction of new technologies that are embodied in machinery and equipments, the training in service sectors is more directly focused

52、 on strengthening skills and know-how embodied in employees. This means that training and human capital development are often more important in service industries. Furthermore, many services are not tradable across inter

53、national borders, which mean that service MNCs to a great extent are forc</p><p>　　4. Conclusion </p><p>　　This paper has noted that the interaction of FDI and spillovers is complex and highly n

54、on-linear, and that several different outcomes are possible. FDI inflows create a potential for spillovers of knowledge to the local labor force, at the same time as the host country’s level of human capital determines h

55、ow much FDI it can attract and whether local firms are able to absorb the potential spillover benefits. Hence, it is possible that host economies with relatively high levels of human capital ma</p><p><b&

56、gt;　　翻譯一：</b></p><p>　　外商直接投資溢出效應(yīng)研究</p><p><b>　　1.引言</b></p><p>　　在最近幾十年中，經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家們已開始確定技術(shù)進(jìn)步，或更普遍認(rèn)為知識(shí)創(chuàng)造，作為經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)原動(dòng)力的一個(gè)重要決定因素，直到20世紀(jì)70年代，分析經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)運(yùn)用典型的新古典主義模型來(lái)解釋經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的積累，勞動(dòng)力、

57、資本等生產(chǎn)要素與收益遞減的規(guī)模。在這些模型中，經(jīng)濟(jì)收斂于穩(wěn)態(tài)平衡，而人均收入水平取決于儲(chǔ)蓄、投資、折舊以及人口的增長(zhǎng)，但那里沒(méi)有永久的收入增長(zhǎng)。任何觀察到的收入增長(zhǎng)率，因?yàn)榻?jīng)濟(jì)仍然匯流實(shí)現(xiàn)其穩(wěn)定狀態(tài)，或因?yàn)樗窃谵D(zhuǎn)型，從一個(gè)穩(wěn)定狀態(tài)到另一個(gè)狀態(tài)。</p><p>　　在這個(gè)框架內(nèi)，用以實(shí)現(xiàn)增長(zhǎng)和發(fā)展所需的政策，直截了當(dāng)認(rèn)為是增加儲(chǔ)蓄和投資，并降低人口增長(zhǎng)率，使經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)向更高的穩(wěn)態(tài)收入水平。但是，從發(fā)展中國(guó)家的角度來(lái)

58、說(shuō)，這些政策難以落實(shí)。因?yàn)榈褪杖牒桶l(fā)展水平，不僅嚴(yán)重后果，同時(shí)也造成的低儲(chǔ)蓄和高人口增長(zhǎng)率。重要的技術(shù)進(jìn)步，也認(rèn)識(shí)到在新古典增長(zhǎng)模型，但決定因素，技術(shù)水平，并沒(méi)有詳細(xì)討論，而是技術(shù)，被視為一個(gè)外在因素。然而，很明顯的收斂，在人均收入水平是不可能發(fā)生的，除非技術(shù)的融合。</p><p>　　從20世紀(jì)80年代起，生長(zhǎng)發(fā)育研究，所以越來(lái)越多地注重了解和內(nèi)生技術(shù)進(jìn)步。現(xiàn)代增長(zhǎng)理論主要是建立在模型不變或增加收益的基礎(chǔ)上，

59、最重現(xiàn)性的因素是知識(shí)的累積。知識(shí)的外部效應(yīng)，在一定程度上是指，一個(gè)社會(huì)公益事業(yè)，研發(fā)，教育，培訓(xùn)，及其他投資在知識(shí)的創(chuàng)造，從而避免收益遞減，以規(guī)模為勞動(dòng)和有形資本。考慮到這一點(diǎn)，經(jīng)濟(jì)可能經(jīng)歷積極長(zhǎng)期增長(zhǎng)而不是新古典主義的穩(wěn)定狀態(tài)的人均收入保持不變。視經(jīng)濟(jì)為出發(fā)點(diǎn)，技術(shù)進(jìn)步和增長(zhǎng)的基礎(chǔ)可以創(chuàng)造完全新的知識(shí)，或適應(yīng)和轉(zhuǎn)讓現(xiàn)有的外國(guó)技術(shù)。</p><p>　　國(guó)際貿(mào)易中，作為國(guó)際間的技術(shù)轉(zhuǎn)移最重要的工具，是外國(guó)直接投資

60、（FDI）。這是人所共知的跨國(guó)公司承擔(dān)的一個(gè)主要部分，世界上的私人研發(fā)工作和生產(chǎn)，擁有和控制世界上大多數(shù)的先進(jìn)技術(shù)。當(dāng)一個(gè)跨國(guó)公司建立了一個(gè)外國(guó)子公司，分公司領(lǐng)取一定金額的專有技術(shù)構(gòu)成母公司的堅(jiān)定特定優(yōu)勢(shì)，并允許它的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)中脫穎而出，與當(dāng)?shù)毓居袃?yōu)越的了解當(dāng)?shù)厥袌?chǎng)，消費(fèi)者的喜好，以及經(jīng)營(yíng)手法。這就引出一個(gè)地域擴(kuò)散技術(shù)，但不一定任何正式的技術(shù)轉(zhuǎn)讓超越國(guó)界的跨國(guó)公司;建立一個(gè)外國(guó)子公司的是決定在內(nèi)部使用的核心技術(shù)。</p>&l

61、t;p>　　然而，跨國(guó)公司在技術(shù)，有可能仍在泄漏到周圍經(jīng)濟(jì)的外部效應(yīng)或外溢認(rèn)為提高人力資本水平，在所在國(guó)和當(dāng)?shù)毓緞?chuàng)造生產(chǎn)力得到了提高。在許多情況下影響經(jīng)營(yíng)，通過(guò)前向和后向聯(lián)系，為跨國(guó)公司提供培訓(xùn)和技術(shù)援助，以自己的本地供應(yīng)商、分包商、顧客等。勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)是另一個(gè)重要渠道溢出，因?yàn)閹缀跛锌鐕?guó)公司列車操作人員和管理人員，他們接下來(lái)可能會(huì)采取雇傭當(dāng)?shù)仄髽I(yè)或建立完全的新公司。</p><p>　　2.外商直接投資

62、與技術(shù)外溢</p><p>　　在過(guò)去數(shù)十年間，因?yàn)榇蠖鄶?shù)國(guó)家都開放了它們的政策，以吸引各種外來(lái)投資。許多國(guó)家政府甚至推出了各種形式的投資獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)措施，鼓勵(lì)外國(guó)跨國(guó)公司的投資在其管轄范圍內(nèi)。然而，勞動(dòng)生產(chǎn)率和技術(shù)溢出的是不是自動(dòng)后果的外國(guó)直接投資。相反，外國(guó)直接投資和人力資本的互動(dòng)，在一個(gè)復(fù)雜的方式，而外國(guó)直接投資的流入創(chuàng)造潛力溢出的知識(shí)，以當(dāng)?shù)貏趧?dòng)力，在同一時(shí)間，身為主辦國(guó)的人力資本水平?jīng)Q定了多少外國(guó)直接投資，可以

63、吸引和無(wú)論是本地企業(yè)能夠吸收潛在的溢出效益。</p><p>　　最早討論的外溢效應(yīng)，在文獻(xiàn)上對(duì)外國(guó)直接投資的日期可以追溯到1960年。第一作者，他們系統(tǒng)地介紹了溢出（或外部效應(yīng)） ，其中可能產(chǎn)生的后果，外國(guó)直接投資是高（1960） ，他分析了一般福利的影響外國(guó)投資。共同的目標(biāo)是研究，是確定的各項(xiàng)成本和效益的外國(guó)直接投資。 生產(chǎn)力的外部因素進(jìn)行了討論連同其他幾個(gè)間接的影響，影響到社會(huì)福利的評(píng)估，例如那些來(lái)自外國(guó)直

64、接投資的影響對(duì)政府的財(cái)政收入，稅收政策，貿(mào)易條件惡化，以及國(guó)際收支平衡。事實(shí)外溢列入討論的是一般的動(dòng)機(jī)實(shí)證研究案例研究，而不是通過(guò)全面的理論論據(jù)。</p><p>　　然而，早期的分析表明，跨國(guó)公司可以提高資源配置效益，進(jìn)入壁壘，減少壟斷性扭曲，并引發(fā)更高的技術(shù)效率，如果是增加了競(jìng)爭(zhēng)壓力，或一些示范效應(yīng)馬刺本地公司，以更有效地利用現(xiàn)有的資源。他們還建議在場(chǎng)，可能導(dǎo)致增加的速度，技術(shù)轉(zhuǎn)移和擴(kuò)散。更具體地說(shuō)，案例研究

65、表明，有幾種可能：</p><p>　?。?）有助于提高效率，突破供給瓶頸（但效果可能變得不那么重要了，隨著技術(shù)的東道國(guó)預(yù)付款）; </p><p>　　（2）引進(jìn)新的技術(shù)訣竅所展示的新技術(shù)和培訓(xùn)工人，后來(lái)采取雇傭當(dāng)?shù)毓? </p><p>　　（3）無(wú)論是打破壟斷，促進(jìn)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)和效率，或者創(chuàng)造一個(gè)更加壟斷的行業(yè)結(jié)構(gòu)，這取決于實(shí)力和反應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)毓? </p>

66、<p>　?。?）轉(zhuǎn)讓技術(shù)的存貨和質(zhì)量控制和標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化，以自己的本地供應(yīng)商及分銷渠道。例如，許多分析之間的聯(lián)系，跨國(guó)公司及本地供應(yīng)商和分包商有記載學(xué)習(xí)和技術(shù)轉(zhuǎn)移可能彌補(bǔ)基礎(chǔ)生產(chǎn)力外溢或市場(chǎng)準(zhǔn)入的外溢效應(yīng)。然而，這些研究很少透露是否跨國(guó)企業(yè)能夠提取的各種好處，新技術(shù)或信息產(chǎn)生，他們之間的供貨企業(yè)。因此，沒(méi)有明確的證據(jù)證明溢出，但它是合理的假設(shè)溢出的正相關(guān)聯(lián)系的程度。</p><p>　　同樣，也有許多工程

67、上的關(guān)系，跨國(guó)公司的進(jìn)入和存在和市場(chǎng)結(jié)構(gòu)的東道國(guó)，這是密切相關(guān)的可能影響外國(guó)直接投資的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，在當(dāng)?shù)厥袌?chǎng)銷售。也有一些個(gè)案研究的示范效應(yīng)，技術(shù)擴(kuò)散，以及勞動(dòng)培訓(xùn)，在國(guó)外跨國(guó)公司。然而，盡管這些研究提供了更詳細(xì)的資料，對(duì)不同渠道向外溢，他們都很少提到全局性的重大意義等外溢效應(yīng)。</p><p>　　統(tǒng)計(jì)研究的外溢效應(yīng)，與之相反，可以揭示整體的影響，外國(guó)存在對(duì)生產(chǎn)力的本地公司，但他們一般都不能說(shuō)太多的效應(yīng)如何出籠的。這

68、些研究通常估計(jì)生產(chǎn)函數(shù)，為當(dāng)?shù)氐膰?guó)有企業(yè)，包括外資份額的行業(yè)之一，說(shuō)明變量。然后，他們測(cè)試是否有外國(guó)存在有一個(gè)顯著的積極影響本地生產(chǎn)力一旦其他公司和行業(yè)特點(diǎn)，已計(jì)入。</p><p>　　研究的結(jié)論是，國(guó)內(nèi)廠商表現(xiàn)出較高的生產(chǎn)力，在行業(yè)具有較大的外資份額，但認(rèn)為它可能是錯(cuò)誤的結(jié)論，認(rèn)為溢出已經(jīng)發(fā)生了，如果跨國(guó)公司子公司定位系統(tǒng)，在更多的生產(chǎn)部門。此外，他們也可以執(zhí)行一些更詳細(xì)的測(cè)試，不同地區(qū)的外溢效應(yīng)。研究地域分

69、散的外國(guó)投資，他們認(rèn)為積極的影響，外國(guó)直接投資累積到主要向國(guó)內(nèi)公司位于接近跨國(guó)公司的附屬公司。不過(guò)，效果似乎在各個(gè)產(chǎn)業(yè)之間。結(jié)果是對(duì)存在的外溢效應(yīng)似乎被混淆;最近的研究表明，應(yīng)該有一個(gè)系統(tǒng)的模式不同的地方所在行業(yè)和所在國(guó)特色的影響，發(fā)病的外溢效應(yīng)。舉例來(lái)說(shuō)，外國(guó)子公司的技術(shù)水平或技術(shù)引進(jìn)，似乎影響金額溢出給本地公司。該技術(shù)引進(jìn)跨國(guó)公司的子公司，反過(guò)來(lái)，已顯示出不同的系統(tǒng)，與所在國(guó)的特色。這些進(jìn)口的，似乎較大，在各國(guó)和各行業(yè)如教育水平，當(dāng)

70、地勞動(dòng)力較高，地方競(jìng)爭(zhēng)是強(qiáng)硬，并在所在國(guó)施加較少的正式要求，對(duì)聯(lián)營(yíng)公司業(yè)務(wù)。</p><p>　　事實(shí)上，在某些情況下，外國(guó)大型的存在，甚至可能是一個(gè)跡象微弱地方工業(yè)，如果當(dāng)?shù)毓旧形茨芪杖魏紊a(chǎn)率外溢所有，并已因此被迫屈服的市場(chǎng)份額給外國(guó)跨國(guó)公司。</p><p>　　3.外商直接投資技術(shù)外溢與人力資本增長(zhǎng)</p><p>　　技術(shù)轉(zhuǎn)讓由跨國(guó)公司家長(zhǎng)及其分支機(jī)構(gòu)

71、和其他東道國(guó)公司不僅是在機(jī)械，設(shè)備，專利權(quán)益，及外籍管理人員和技術(shù)人員，但同時(shí)也意識(shí)到培訓(xùn)當(dāng)?shù)貑T工。這次培訓(xùn)的影響最各級(jí)員工，從簡(jiǎn)單的生產(chǎn)操作工通過(guò)監(jiān)督員，以技術(shù)先進(jìn)的專業(yè)人士和高層管理人員。雖然大多數(shù)的人的訓(xùn)練都是受聘于跨國(guó)企業(yè)自己的子公司，受惠者還包括間跨國(guó)企業(yè)的供應(yīng)商、分包商、顧客等。</p><p>　　介于對(duì)在職培訓(xùn)，以講座和更正規(guī)的學(xué)校教育，海外教育中，也許在該公司的母公司，這取決于所需要的技能。各種

72、技能，通過(guò)喜悅與外國(guó)跨國(guó)公司有可能超出直接當(dāng)跨國(guó)企業(yè)并沒(méi)有收取的全部?jī)r(jià)值培訓(xùn)給本地公司或隨著時(shí)間的推移，作為雇員轉(zhuǎn)往其他機(jī)構(gòu)，或成立自己的企業(yè)。</p><p>　　而角色的跨國(guó)公司中，小學(xué)教育和中學(xué)教育是邊緣性，有越來(lái)越明顯的證據(jù)帽子的外國(guó)直接投資可能有顯著影響的高等教育在他們所在的國(guó)家。最重要的作用是在需求方面?？鐕?guó)企業(yè)提供具吸引力的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，高技能的畢業(yè)生，在天然科學(xué)，工程科學(xué)，商業(yè)和科學(xué)的，這可能是一個(gè)誘

73、因，為資優(yōu)學(xué)生完成培訓(xùn)，以及跨國(guó)企業(yè)的需求，熟練的勞動(dòng)力，這可能會(huì)鼓勵(lì)各國(guó)政府投資在較高的教育中。</p><p>　　也有更直接的聯(lián)系，外國(guó)直接投資和高等教育。除了提供獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金和正規(guī)教育的個(gè)別員工，在所在國(guó)或其他地區(qū)，跨國(guó)公司也有活性N支持大學(xué)的發(fā)展和相關(guān)機(jī)構(gòu)在幾個(gè)方面。</p><p>　　考慮到知識(shí)是稀缺在同一時(shí)間，作為公共教育系統(tǒng)在發(fā)展中國(guó)家具有相對(duì)較弱，但也有可能是溢出的培訓(xùn)相對(duì)更

74、重要。不過(guò)，有零星證據(jù)顯示效果，在工業(yè)化國(guó)家，以及與那么也許主要是管理方面的技能。</p><p>　　許多研究在發(fā)展中國(guó)家強(qiáng)調(diào)溢出的管理技巧。有證據(jù)表明，培訓(xùn)和能力發(fā)展，在技術(shù)領(lǐng)域，雖然一些詳細(xì)的研究報(bào)告，似乎變小了。</p><p>　　而培訓(xùn)活動(dòng)在制造業(yè)往往旨在促進(jìn)引進(jìn)新的技術(shù)，則體現(xiàn)在機(jī)器和設(shè)備，培訓(xùn)服務(wù)行業(yè)，是更直接地把重點(diǎn)放在加強(qiáng)技能和訣竅，體現(xiàn)在雇員。這意味著，培訓(xùn)和人力資本

75、發(fā)展往往是更重要的服務(wù)行業(yè)。此外，很多服務(wù)不是交易的跨越國(guó)際邊界，這意味著服務(wù)的跨國(guó)公司，以在相當(dāng)程度上是被迫復(fù)制母國(guó)的技術(shù)，在其國(guó)外子公司。因此，服務(wù)公司往往被迫投入更多的訓(xùn)練，差距子公司和母公司工資趨向。 </p><p><b>　　4.結(jié)論</b></p><p>　　這篇文章指出，互動(dòng)的外國(guó)直接投資與技術(shù)外溢是復(fù)雜和高度非線形，和幾個(gè)不同的結(jié)果都有可能發(fā)生。

76、外國(guó)直接投資的流入創(chuàng)造潛力溢出的知識(shí)，以當(dāng)?shù)貏趧?dòng)力，在同一時(shí)間，身為主辦國(guó)的人力資本水平?jīng)Q定了多少外國(guó)直接投資，可以吸引和是否本地企業(yè)能夠吸收潛在的溢出效益。因此，它可能是東道國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)與相對(duì)較高的人力資本水平，可能吸引大量的技術(shù)密集型外國(guó)跨國(guó)公司顯著的貢獻(xiàn)，以進(jìn)一步發(fā)展勞動(dòng)技能。在同一時(shí)間內(nèi)，經(jīng)濟(jì)薄弱的初始條件都可能經(jīng)歷較小的外國(guó)直接投資流入，以及外國(guó)公司的進(jìn)入，是有可能利用簡(jiǎn)單的技術(shù)，有助于只能勉強(qiáng)當(dāng)?shù)貙W(xué)習(xí)和技能發(fā)展。</p&g