外文翻譯---城市形象略論

1、<p>　　The Negotiated City Image</p><p>　　Andre´ Jansson</p><p>　　Introduction</p><p>　　The city is the prime locus of modern consumerism. First of all, it is the space in

2、which most commercial centre are concentrated shops, restaurants, cultural establishments, sports arenas and so on. Urban areas are the locations of economic and symbolic exchange. Secondly, the city environment provides

3、 a forum for cultural impressions and expressions. As noted in the classical writings of Simmel and Benjamin, the metropolis incorporates an entire system of rooms, stages and passages where the r</p><p>　　H

4、owever, the creation of the city image is not only a matter of cultural policy. What the city actually becomes, and how different groups experience it, depend upon the activities of social actors as well as syste

5、mic forces. For example, even though there are strong hegemonic forces, founded upon alliances between political, cultural and econ-omic actors, supporting a dominant image of the city, alternative and oppositional group

6、ings are always challenging such points of view (see Figure</p><p>　　Most of the research for the present study took place in the city of Goteborg, Sweden. However, as far as the aim of this article is conce

7、rned, the specific city is not important as such. The aim rather is to illustrate how any city image may be encoded, decoded and re-encoded through various forms of lifestyle practices. In particular, the article will f

8、ocus upon three different modes of consumption, corresponding to Hall’s notion of dominant, oppositional and negotiated readings. This is not </p><p>　　The City of Goteborg</p><p>　　In spite of

9、the general approach, a few introductory words should be said about the particular environment and image of Goteborg. The city has about 500 000 inhabitants and is located on the Swedish west coast. Historically, the ima

10、ge of Goteborg is marked by its ports, its ship-yards and its mechanical industries. Being the nation’s face towards the North Sea and the Atlantic, this is the city from which the trans Atlantic steamers once departed.

11、It is also the home of companies like SKF and Vo</p><p>　　However, like many other industrial cities, Goteborg has during the past three decades gone through a kind of identity crisis. Most of the ship-yards

12、 have closed down; the ports are not as busy as they used to be; and Volvo Cars is now a luxury brand within the Ford Motor Company. This identity crisis is also expressed through several post-industrial tendencies. In

13、dustrial areas, notably the former ship-yards, have been transformed into office space, apartments and hotels (like Docklandsin Lon</p><p>　　The Empirical Study</p><p>　　The study to be presente

14、d is based on both qualitative and quantitative interview data. First, an analysis has been made of ualitative interviews gathered within the research project ‘Cultural Identities in Transition’ (CIT). A total of

15、41 respondents in the Goteborg region were interviewed about their lifestyles in general and media consumption in particular. The interviews were carried out during 1997/98 at four different locations: the inner city; t

16、he affluent western suburbs; the nor</p><p>　　In this analysis, the focus is upon those respondents who more or less actively take part in urban life. These are all found within the wider metropolitan area

17、 of Goteborg, rather than in rural villages. Nevertheless, the material is extremely rich and it is impossible to present it fully in a short article. Therefore, in order to keep the discussion as clearcut as possible,

18、 the arguments are illustrated by means of just a few interesting cases.</p><p>　　Secondly, in order to locate the qualitative results within a more general pattern, the study utilises 1997 data gathered fr

19、om the annual ‘Orvesto Konsument’ survey, conducted by the Sifo research institute. The survey is based on a quite extensive questionnaire covering a broad range of topics, focusing upon values, opinions, lifestyle prac

20、tices, consumption habits, brand preferences, media habits and so on. Since the Orvesto survey compiles the answers from about 30 000 respondents (a repres</p><p>　　These value orientations are treated herea

21、s statistical representations of the creative ethos, guiding people in their organisation of time, space and social relations. The ethos may thus be thought of as a lifestyle generating formula shaping, for example, cons

22、umption modes much related to where they live—whether the city is ‘home’ or not. To some people, the city is a natural, taken-for-granted, everyday environment; to others, it is primarily the site of special events and

23、 public services. </p><p>　　This situation springs from a mutual relationship: while the dynamics of the city attract people with a particular ethos, the city environment (and all that comes with it in terms

24、 of commerce, public life, educational institutions, etc.) also functions as a socialisation agent, shaping this kind of ethos. Making a closer comparison of the GA and LS segments (not presented in the table), one can c

25、onclude that, while the overall pattern of different life-stages is quite similar, the levels are ve</p><p>　　This kind of socioeconomic approach may be applied not only to metropolitan areas as a whole, bu

26、t also to inner-city areas, in terms of particular quarters and neighbourhoods. Inner cities are typically diverse areas, involving a mix of public establishments and private dwellings, as well as a particularly heterog

27、eneousandvolatile population. Goteborg is no exception to this rule. Turning to the official statistics, one finds that the inner-city districts are populated by more one and two-per</p><p>　　Obviously, wh

28、at most urban-dwellers have in common is a comparatively greater number of visits to shops, restaurants, cultural events and so on. In particular, the kinds of establishment that are specifically associated with urban

29、 space and a dynamic urban lifestyle—like boutiques and smaller cornershops (for example, 7 Eleven stores) and more luxurious department stores that are attractive places in which to stroll (like the exclusive Swedish c

30、hain NK)—are more often visited by city-dweller</p><p>　　Among the CIT respondents, the polarity between economic and cultural capital, as well as between dominant and oppositional modes of consumption, is w

31、ell illustrated. Furthermore, it is possible to discern a negotiated mode which problematises the opposition between culture and market—a mode that may be labelled ‘post-modern’. The following three sections deal with ea

32、ch of these ideal types, using a few of the respondents as examples. At the centre of discussion are three men of comparable ag</p><p>　　Concluding Remarks</p><p>　　As this article has attemp

33、ted to illustrate, the tension between dynamism and stability, and between dominant and alternative/oppositional modes of consumption, makes the city image a quite complex, even contradictory, constitution. Leading a‘

34、metropolitan lifestyle’ may refer to many different things, and the positions that cities in general, as well as particular cities (like Goteborg), hold as cultural referents vary between different groups. The present

35、study has concentrated upon those </p><p>　　One must not expect to find these three modes in any clear-cut form, though. They are to be understood as ideal types. As suggested by the qualitative interview da

36、ta, a plethora of variations may be distinguished. Taking a closer look at the lifestyles and life-worlds of single individuals, one finds that things are more ambiguous and volatile than suggested by theory or quantitat

37、ive classifications. Nevertheless, categorisation holds the strength of making the world analytically comprehensible.</p><p><b>　　城市形象略論</b></p><p>　　Andre´ Jansson</p>&

38、lt;p><b>　　簡介</b></p><p>　　城市主要是推崇用戶至上主義的。首先，它是空間中的大多數(shù)商業(yè)中心集中-商店，餐館，文化場所，體育場館等。城市地區(qū)的位置，經(jīng)濟和象征性的前變化。其次，城市環(huán)境保護提供論壇文化展示和表達。正如在古典文書材料齊美爾與本杰明，都市納入整個系統(tǒng)的房間，階段和通道在反思：個人可以獲得象征性的經(jīng)驗，以及表現(xiàn)他或她的身份。第三，由于主要城市也有很多

39、文化產業(yè)，包括大部分媒體公司，廣告公司和設計公司，他們也是從這一豐富的象征性的流量。現(xiàn)代元社會的重要份額，人們的文化視野所形成的圖像和信息中產生的大都市--文本，其中許多是重要的地理分布。最后，在形狀的旅游目的地，城市變成了對象的直接消費。主要的城市形象，在歷史的敘事，人物，建筑公司等，通常是在消費方式受商業(yè)演員，加強中介了的跡象。專業(yè)影像創(chuàng)作者不斷在象征性的難民旅行的商品化城市。</p><p>　　總之，作為

40、城市景觀的祖筆記給物質和象征形式的反對黨-吐溫市場和地方。市場的壓力不斷復制各種控制恒壓的地方繁殖穩(wěn)定性。</p><p>　　然而，創(chuàng)造城市形象不僅是一個重要的文化政策。這個城市實際上成為，和不同群體的經(jīng)驗，取決于活動關系的社會行動者以及全身的力量。例如，盡管有強大的霸權力量，建立在鋁-電器之間的政治，文化和經(jīng)濟行為者，支持一個主導的城市形象，替代和對立集團-是永遠的挑戰(zhàn)等角度。</p><

41、p>　　大多數(shù)研究為本研究發(fā)生在城市，瑞典。然而，就本文的目的而言，具體的城市是不重要的。目的是說明任何城市形象可能被編碼，解碼和重新編碼，通過各種形式的生活方式的做法。特別是，本文將側重于三個不同的消費模式，相應的大廳的概念主導，對立和協(xié)商式閱讀。這并不是說，城市必然包含任何明確的首選的意思。作為剛剛被認為，城市形象是一個復雜的動態(tài)結構，其編碼器被發(fā)現(xiàn)在整個社會。所有讀一些-如何談判。然而，從馬克思主義的角度可以說，不同的方式編

42、碼和再編碼的城市有不同的相對位置的社會-經(jīng)濟社會結構。發(fā)展這種方法，它是有趣的，看看這個結構在后現(xiàn)代時代。</p><p><b>　　哥德堡市案例</b></p><p>　　盡管一般的做法，一些應該說的話有關的特定環(huán)境與形象¨哥德堡去。該市有大約500000居民和位于瑞典西海岸。從歷史上看，哥德堡的特點是其港口的船舶修造企業(yè)及機械行業(yè)。作為國家面朝著北海

43、和大西洋，這是該市從大西洋汽船曾離去。它也是國內公司一樣，skf公司和沃爾沃。</p><p>　　然而，像其他許多工業(yè)城市，哥德堡已在過去的三年里經(jīng)歷了一種認同危機。大多數(shù)的船舶修造企業(yè)倒閉；該端口不忙的他們被；和沃爾沃汽車現(xiàn)在是一個奢侈品牌在福特汽車公司。這個身份危機也表示，通過幾個工業(yè)十-趨勢。工業(yè)區(qū)，尤其是前船舶修造企業(yè)，已轉化為寫字樓，公寓及酒店（如倫敦）和工人階級的鄰居罩已恢復和上層。也有一個主導文化

44、政策的形成。新的圖像哥德堡是該事件由市，將吸引重大文化活動，體育活動和工業(yè)展覽會。同時，施工臨時圖像的創(chuàng)造者，建筑師和城市規(guī)劃者小心保存歷史遺產哥德堡。</p><p><b>　　實證研究</b></p><p>　　研究的發(fā)表是基于定性和定量采訪的數(shù)據(jù)。首先，分析了品質性訪談收集的研究項目“文化身份變遷的（城市）。共有41個受訪者中哥德堡地區(qū)進行了面談，對他們的生

45、活方式和一般媒體欺詐消費特別。采訪進行了1997年在四個不同的地點：市中心；富裕的北部郊區(qū)西郊；工人階級；以及農村村，約一個小時的旅程從哥德堡去。之所以選擇特定地區(qū)主要不是關于使比較鄰居這種比較往往證明是卓有成效的。具體的鄰居罩沒有興趣本身。然而，在不同的社區(qū)是一個不錯的結構材料，由于隔離的性格像哥德堡去大城市。然后，在所有地區(qū)，受訪者收集不同年齡，性別和職業(yè)。</p><p>　　在這種分析中，重點是對那些誰的

46、受訪者或多或少積極參與城市生活。這些都是發(fā)現(xiàn)，在更廣泛的地區(qū)哥德堡，而不是在農村。然而，資料極為豐富，它是不可能出現(xiàn)完全是在很短的文章。有-前，為了使討論明確切盡可能的論據(jù)，說明了方法的只是一些有趣的案件。</p><p>　　作為統(tǒng)計申述的創(chuàng)新精神，引導人們在他們的組織，時間，空間和社會關系。精神可能因此被認為是一種生活方式產生式成型，例如，消費模式。如何在個人消費和市的經(jīng)驗，當然是十分相關的，他們城市家庭。對

47、某些人來說，城市是一個自然，理所當然，日常用的環(huán)境；給他人，這主要是現(xiàn)場的特殊事件和公共服務。同樣，雖然有人找到這城市的活力是一個重大的資產，有人認為這會威脅到他們的本體安全。由于內芯的大都市地區(qū)的迅速變化的地方，這是不足為奇的，所以-高級的生活方式在這里被發(fā)現(xiàn)。個體對面向膨脹（全球化）和變化是一個偉大的</p><p>　　這種社會經(jīng)濟做法可能不僅適用于都市地區(qū)作為一個整體，也是市中心地區(qū)，在特定的地方和社區(qū)。

48、城市內通常是不同的領域，在各種公共場所和私人住宅，以及一種特別的異質性和揮發(fā)性人口。哥德堡這個規(guī)則沒有例外。轉-據(jù)官方統(tǒng)計，一發(fā)現(xiàn)，內城地區(qū)居住的更一和兩個人的家庭比哥德堡平均，和收入的內蒙古-有特別高或特別低。市中心是一個會場，或熔化鍋，文化和經(jīng)濟資本，以及為主導，替代和旁傳統(tǒng)消費模式。</p><p>　　顯然，大多數(shù)城市居民都是比較大的數(shù)的誤碼率訪問商店，餐館，文化活動等。特別是，各種設施，特別是與城市空間

49、和城市動態(tài)精品店和小角落商店和更豪華的百貨公司，是有吸引力的地方，漫步（如獨家瑞典鏈細胞）訪問的城市居民比一般的人。</p><p>　　在城市的受訪者，極性之間的經(jīng)濟和文化資本，以及之間的優(yōu)勢和對立的消費模式，是很好的說明。此外，它是有可能發(fā)現(xiàn)一個協(xié)商分化模式，機會位置之間的文化和市場模式，可稱為“后現(xiàn)代”。以下萬維三部分處理所有這些理想類型，使用少數(shù)的受訪者為例。在討論中心有三人可比的年齡：36歲的市場管理員

50、揚維，46歲的音樂家，所以49歲理發(fā)師杰里。一些額外的行情也將用于充實圖片。在條款的精簡指令集的部分，這些受訪者大約在免疫，海巡署和段。他們的共同點是典型的城市走向全球化與改造。</p><p><b>　　結論</b></p><p>　　本文試圖說明，活力與穩(wěn)定之間的緊張局勢，和之間的優(yōu)勢和替代/旁傳統(tǒng)消費模式，使城市形象相當復雜，甚至是矛盾的。領導生活”可以指許

51、多不同的事物，和立場的一般城市，以及特定城市（如哥德堡），作為文化指稱之間不同的群體。目前的研究集中在那些團體和個人，交流地參與形成城市，市場和圖像通過他們的消費習慣。介紹主要區(qū)分顯性，對立和談判的消費模式，它指出了象征性的斗爭，一率城市發(fā)展的各個方面。</p><p>　　不要指望找到這三種方式，在任何明確的形式，雖然。他們被理解為理想類型。為加強的定性訪談資料，過多的變化可以區(qū)分。仔細審視的生活方式和生活世界

52、的一個人，一個發(fā)現(xiàn)，事情是模糊不清的揮發(fā)性比所建議的理論或定量分類。然而，分類保存實力使世界理解分析。與聯(lián)合國調查數(shù)據(jù)（集）和定性訪談加強有效性的氬-觀點。此外，研究結果表明，目前的努力投入城市形象塑造和品牌都是以某種特有的自發(fā)電。因為每一個新的市場、信息是有爭議的由多元化的城市社會生活的解碼和重新編碼過程發(fā)生在城不能成為最后的，主體間共享的城市形象。相反，社會矛盾的城市攝制產生政府需要制定明確的切的屬性和價值，可促進城市。換句話說，越