畢業(yè)論文外文翻譯--全球化的市場

1、<p><b>　　外文翻譯：</b></p><p><b>　　全球化的市場</b></p><p>　　原文來源：《The globalization of markets》</p><p><b>　　譯文正文：</b></p><p>　　一股強(qiáng)大的力量推動(dòng)

2、世界走向融合的共性，這力量是科技。它無產(chǎn)階級人傳播、運(yùn)輸和旅行。它使偏僻的地方和現(xiàn)代性的誘惑貧困人民的渴望。幾乎每個(gè)人都希望他們到處都聽到，看到，或通過新的技術(shù)經(jīng)驗(yàn)的東西。</p><p>　　其結(jié)果是一個(gè)新的商業(yè)現(xiàn)實(shí)，對以前無法想象的規(guī)模出現(xiàn)的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化消費(fèi)產(chǎn)品的全球市場。本公司面向從規(guī)模巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益在生產(chǎn)新的現(xiàn)實(shí)，分銷，營銷和管理。通過轉(zhuǎn)化為世界市場價(jià)格降低這些好處，他們可以消滅那些仍然生活在緊抓世界是怎樣運(yùn)作

3、的競爭對手。</p><p>　　習(xí)慣了在國家或區(qū)域分歧的日子時(shí)，公司可以出售去年的模型，先進(jìn)的產(chǎn)品或較低的版本！在欠發(fā)達(dá)遍世界的日子已經(jīng)一去不復(fù)返了在價(jià)格，利潤和利潤一般在國外比在國內(nèi)高。市場的全球化就在眼前。就這樣，世界多國的商業(yè)已接近尾聲，也是如此的跨國公司。</p><p>　　這些跨國公司和全球公司是不一樣的東西。多國公司的運(yùn)作在一個(gè)國家中的數(shù)目，并調(diào)整其產(chǎn)品和做法，在每一個(gè)相對

4、高的成本 。該公司經(jīng)營著全球堅(jiān)決恒常，相對成本低，好像整個(gè)世界（或它的主要地區(qū)）是一個(gè)單一的實(shí)體，它以同樣的方式銷售各地同樣的事情。</p><p>　　全球化迎戰(zhàn)跨國公司。</p><p>　　更好的是哪一個(gè)戰(zhàn)略是不是一個(gè)見仁見智但全球通訊隨身攜帶的現(xiàn)代可能性不斷被鼓勵(lì)，以減輕和提高工作，提高生活水平，轉(zhuǎn)移和娛樂。即要求世界承認(rèn)并尊重他們的文化個(gè)性相同的國家堅(jiān)持批發(fā)轉(zhuǎn)移到現(xiàn)代商品，服務(wù)及

5、技術(shù)?，F(xiàn)代性是不只是一個(gè)愿望，而且是在那些誰堅(jiān)持普遍的做法，以不屈不撓的激情或宗教狂熱，給古老的態(tài)度和遺產(chǎn)。</p><p>　　誰會(huì)忘記在1979年在法國時(shí)尚切長褲和烏骨雞為在伊斯蘭原教旨主義的名義提出的現(xiàn)代化武器血襯衫的年輕人渴望霍迪伊朗起義的電視畫面？</p><p>　　在巴西，數(shù)千名群每天從黑暗到工業(yè)化之前Bahian爆炸沿海城市，迅速安裝在擁擠的電視機(jī)和瓦楞小屋，旁邊毆打大眾汽

6、車，使水果和新鮮雞殺牲以Macumban精神的燭光。</p><p>　　在比夫拉的反對伊博什，每日電視報(bào)道自相殘殺的戰(zhàn)爭表明士兵攜帶血淋淋的刀，聽晶體管收音機(jī)，而喝可口可樂。</p><p>　　在西伯利亞城市克拉斯諾亞爾斯克孤立，沒有鋪設(shè)的街道，和審查新聞，偶爾偷偷西方旅客香煙，電子表，甚至把他們背上的衣服。</p><p>　　有組織的走私電子設(shè)備，用于汽車，

7、西式服裝，化妝品，形成原始的地方甚至超過盜版電影的繁榮，在現(xiàn)代武器的地下商業(yè)和軍事雇傭兵。一千暗示的方式證明了的最先進(jìn)的東西，世界制造和銷售 - 以最低的價(jià)格最好的質(zhì)量和可靠性貨物欲望無處不在。世界的需求和欲望已經(jīng)無可挽回地同質(zhì)化。這使得跨國公司已經(jīng)過時(shí)，這個(gè)全球公司是絕對的。</p><p><b>　　共和國的技術(shù)</b></p><p>　　丹尼爾J ·

8、;布爾斯廷，件不朽三部曲美國人撰文，形容為以“科技[其]共和國最高法律，是推動(dòng)我們的時(shí)代...收斂，對一切的傾向變得越來越像一切。”在企業(yè)中，這種趨勢推向全球市場的共性。公司以同樣的方式到處銷售標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化的產(chǎn)品—汽車，鋼鐵，化工，石油，水泥，農(nóng)業(yè)商品和設(shè)備，工業(yè)和商業(yè)建筑，銀行和保險(xiǎn)服務(wù)，計(jì)算機(jī)，半導(dǎo)體，運(yùn)輸，電子儀器，藥品和通訊，提到了一些明顯的。</p><p>　　也不是全球化的大風(fēng)席卷局限于這些原料或高科技產(chǎn)

9、品，那里的通用語言的客戶和用戶方便的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化。轉(zhuǎn)化的風(fēng)刮起了由通信無產(chǎn)階級和旅行進(jìn)入生活的每個(gè)縫隙。商業(yè)上，沒有證實(shí)了這一高達(dá)了麥當(dāng)勞從香榭麗舍大街的成功，對可口可樂銀座，在巴林和百事可樂在莫斯科，和搖滾音樂，希臘沙拉，好萊塢電影，露華濃化妝品，索尼電視和利維牛仔褲隨處可見。 “高接觸”的產(chǎn)品如高科技無處不在。</p><p>　　敵對雙方從開始，高科技和商業(yè)頻譜的高接觸逐漸消耗完他們的國際化軌道，在未分配利潤中。

10、沒有人可以豁免，并沒有停止該進(jìn)程。無處不在一切變得越來越像一切作為世界上偏好結(jié)構(gòu)是無情還有均質(zhì)。</p><p>　　考慮可口可樂和百事可樂，這是全球標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化的產(chǎn)品銷往世界各地，由大家歡迎的案件。國家，地區(qū)和民族的味蕾訓(xùn)練的根深蒂固的口味，風(fēng)味，一致性，沸騰和余味等各種不同的地方喜好成功地跨越眾多。到處都賣得很好。香煙，這主要是美國制造的，每年就泰里以前在其他大部分地方，嚴(yán)格控制混合保守黨舉行的全球滲透。</

11、p><p>　　這些都不是特殊的例子。 （事實(shí)上，他們的全球影響力將更大，如果不是人為的貿(mào)易障礙。）他們體現(xiàn)一個(gè)對世界均質(zhì)一般漂移和公司如何分配，財(cái)政和價(jià)格的產(chǎn)品。 沒有什么是空的。產(chǎn)品和工業(yè)化世界的方法發(fā)揮了世界上所有單一調(diào)整和世界上所有渴望跳舞到它。在國家口味或做商業(yè)模式的差異古代消失。。共性的偏好導(dǎo)致不可避免的產(chǎn)品，生產(chǎn)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化，以及貿(mào)易和商業(yè)機(jī)構(gòu)。以小國為基礎(chǔ)的市場的作用在擴(kuò)大。在世界競爭中的成功效率變成了生產(chǎn)

12、，分配，營銷和管理，并在價(jià)格上必然成為重點(diǎn)。</p><p>　　世界上最有效的競爭者納入其成本結(jié)構(gòu)優(yōu)良的品質(zhì)和可靠性。他們出售的所有在國內(nèi)出售的同類產(chǎn)品的國內(nèi)市場或者在其最大的出口市場。他們在競爭的基礎(chǔ)上適當(dāng)?shù)膬r(jià)值！價(jià)格，質(zhì)量，可靠性和產(chǎn)品在全球范圍就相同設(shè)計(jì)，功能，甚至提供時(shí)尚的最佳組合。</p><p>　　這一點(diǎn)，一切事情，解釋了交易的產(chǎn)品種類豐富的日本企業(yè)全球洶涌澎湃的成功 -

13、無論有形產(chǎn)品如鋼鐵，汽車，摩托車，音響設(shè)備，農(nóng)用機(jī)械，機(jī)器人，微處理器，碳纖維，現(xiàn)在連紡織和銀行等無形資產(chǎn)，航運(yùn)，總承包，并很快電腦軟件。也不是高品質(zhì)和低成本的運(yùn)作方式作為一個(gè)咨詢機(jī)構(gòu)的主機(jī)和數(shù)據(jù)工程師，爭辯激烈空白。該報(bào)告的數(shù)據(jù)是不完整的，錯(cuò)誤分析和矛盾。事實(shí)是，低運(yùn)營成本是需要和生產(chǎn)質(zhì)量都表示，他們企業(yè)文化的標(biāo)志。高品質(zhì)一低成本并非對立的姿態(tài)。它們是兼容的，實(shí)踐的雙重身份的優(yōu)勢。</p><p>　　如果說日

14、本的公司是不是全球性，因?yàn)樗鼈兂隹诘淖?美國車和歐洲大陸上，雖然在日本的右側(cè)駕駛，或者是因?yàn)樗麄兂鍪弁ㄟ^分銷商辦公室機(jī)器在美國，而是直接在家里，或者說在巴西葡萄牙語是一個(gè)錯(cuò)誤的加以區(qū)別。同樣是安全方式和南部地區(qū)在中東經(jīng)營的零售連鎖店真實(shí)有效，并不僅原生種群，而且進(jìn)口來自韓國，菲律賓，巴基斯坦，印度，泰國，英國和美國。國家的道路規(guī)則不同，所以不要分銷渠道和語言。日本的區(qū)別是它的不懈推動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)和增值。轉(zhuǎn)化為高品質(zhì)的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化水平驅(qū)動(dòng)器轉(zhuǎn)換。<

15、;/p><p><b>　　T型的爭議</b></p><p>　　如果一家公司的力量成本和價(jià)格的下降，推動(dòng)了質(zhì)量和可靠性 - 同時(shí)保持適宜的合理關(guān)切 - 客戶會(huì)更喜歡它的世界標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的產(chǎn)品。這一理論認(rèn)為在這個(gè)全球化的發(fā)展階段，不管什么常規(guī)的市場調(diào)查和常識甚至可以建議對不同的國家和地區(qū)的口味，喜好，需要和機(jī)構(gòu)。日本曾多次平反這一理論，就像亨利福特的T型車最重要的，所以有包括來

16、自韓國（電視機(jī)和重型建筑），馬來西亞（個(gè)人計(jì)算機(jī)和微型計(jì)算機(jī)），巴西（汽車零部件企業(yè)的模仿，和工具），哥倫比亞（服裝），新加坡（光學(xué)成套設(shè)備NT）和，是的，即使從美國（辦公復(fù)印機(jī)，電腦，自行車，鑄件）。西歐（全自動(dòng)洗衣機(jī)），羅馬尼亞（器皿），匈牙利（服裝），南斯拉夫（家具）和以色列（分頁設(shè)備） 。</p><p>　　當(dāng)然，大公司經(jīng)營的一個(gè)國家，甚至一個(gè)城市的一切，他們不規(guī)范制造，銷售，或做的事。他們，而不是一個(gè)

17、單一的產(chǎn)品版本產(chǎn)品線，多個(gè)分銷渠道。有鄰里，地方，區(qū)域，種族和體制的差異，即使是在大都市地區(qū)。但是，雖然公司對特定細(xì)分市場定制產(chǎn)品，他們知道，在一個(gè)同質(zhì)化需求的世界取得成功，需要一個(gè)在全球各地尋找類似的機(jī)會(huì)，在銷售環(huán)節(jié)，以實(shí)現(xiàn)規(guī)模經(jīng)濟(jì)所需的競爭力。</p><p>　　這樣的搜索工作，因?yàn)樵谝粋€(gè)國家市場是很少獨(dú)特，它已無處不在，正是因?yàn)榧夹g(shù)已經(jīng)在全球同質(zhì)化的近親。即使是小地方部門有他們無處不在，成為全球等值受到全

18、球競爭，特別是在價(jià)格上。全球競爭者將不斷尋求他的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化提供無處不在。他會(huì)偏離這種標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化用盡所有可能性后，才保留它，他會(huì)為推動(dòng)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化復(fù)職題外話和分歧時(shí)有發(fā)生。他永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)認(rèn)為顧客是國王誰知道他自己的意愿。</p><p>　　越來越多的麻煩，缺乏明確秸稈全球的焦點(diǎn)，仍然不注意，以簡單和標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化的經(jīng)濟(jì)公司。在日新月異的世界上最瀕危的公司往往是那些主導(dǎo)高附加值產(chǎn)品，而國內(nèi)市場小，其中有較小的其他市場。隨著運(yùn)輸成本比例很低，

19、遠(yuǎn)的競爭對手將進(jìn)入下生產(chǎn)規(guī)模與效益的條件更便宜的商品，這些公司現(xiàn)在庇護(hù)市場。全球競爭法術(shù)國內(nèi)屬地年底，無論多么小巧的領(lǐng)土而定。</p><p>　　當(dāng)全球生產(chǎn)商提供了較低的成本在國際上，他的贊助成倍擴(kuò)大。他不僅把到達(dá)遙遠(yuǎn)的市場，而且也吸引客戶誰曾擔(dān)任當(dāng)?shù)氐南埠茫F(xiàn)在投降低價(jià)格的吸引力。標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化的戰(zhàn)略，不僅響應(yīng)全球同質(zhì)化市場，而且還擴(kuò)展了積極的低價(jià)格的市場。新技術(shù)勢不可擋的水龍頭一個(gè)古老的動(dòng)機(jī) - 使自己的錢去盡可能

20、。這是普遍的，不只是一個(gè)動(dòng)機(jī)，但實(shí)際上是一種需要。</p><p><b>　　刺猬知道</b></p><p>　　刺猬和狐貍之間的差異，說陀斯妥耶夫斯基和托爾斯泰之間的區(qū)別伯林爵士的說法，就是一個(gè)關(guān)于狐貍知道很多很多東西，但刺猬知道的一切偉大的事情之一。多國公司非常了解很多很多國家和投契適應(yīng)所謂的分歧。它心甘情愿地接受退化的民族差異，而不是質(zhì)疑其轉(zhuǎn)型的可能性，不承

21、認(rèn)世界是如何做好準(zhǔn)備，就對現(xiàn)代性的渴望受益，尤其是當(dāng)價(jià)格是正確的。多國公司的模式，以容納國家的差異是明顯的中世紀(jì)。</p><p>　　與此相反，這個(gè)全球公司都知道的一切偉大的事情之一。它知道絕對需要在全球范圍內(nèi)的競爭，以及國家和旨在不斷壓低通過標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化是什么以及它如何運(yùn)作銷售價(jià)格。它把數(shù)作為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化的市場組成的世界，而不是許多定制的市場。并積極尋求和大力走向全球趨同的作品。它的任務(wù)是現(xiàn)代性及其模式，價(jià)格競爭，甚至當(dāng)

22、它出售頂級的線，高端產(chǎn)品。它知道一個(gè)偉大的事情所有的國家和人民共同的特點(diǎn)：稀缺的。</p><p>　　沒人把稀缺躺下，每個(gè)人都想要更多。這部分解釋了勞動(dòng)和產(chǎn)品.它們使人民和國家要通過貿(mào)易條件的優(yōu)化專業(yè)化分工。媒介通常是金錢。經(jīng)驗(yàn)告訴這些錢有三個(gè)特質(zhì)：稀缺，收購和短暫的困難。人們理解與尊重對待。在日益同質(zhì)化的世界市場每個(gè)人都想要的產(chǎn)品和功能，其他人都想要的。如果價(jià)格足夠低，他們將采取高度標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化的世界性產(chǎn)品，即使這

23、些都不是什么什么是合適的母親說，自遠(yuǎn)古以來頒布什么是正確的，什么是市場調(diào)研新浪潮寓言家所稱的首選。</p><p>　　所有現(xiàn)代化的生產(chǎn)，無論有形或無形的商品 - 是標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化項(xiàng)目大規(guī)模生產(chǎn)一般無情的事實(shí)是在一個(gè)比小規(guī)模生產(chǎn)量廣泛便宜。有些人認(rèn)為的CAD / CAM將允許企業(yè)在小規(guī)模生產(chǎn)定制產(chǎn)品 - 但便宜。但爭論忽略了這一點(diǎn)。（有關(guān)更詳細(xì)的討論，請參見插入裁定，“范圍經(jīng)濟(jì)?！保┤绻患夜緦⑵湟暈橐粋€(gè)或兩個(gè)不同的產(chǎn)

24、品市場，它可以成為世界上經(jīng)濟(jì)較比如果它視為三，四是世界，或五個(gè)產(chǎn)品市場。</p><p><b>　　剩余的分歧</b></p><p>　　不同文化的喜好，品味和國家標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，和商業(yè)機(jī)構(gòu)是過去的痕跡。有些遺產(chǎn)逐漸死亡，其他的蓬勃發(fā)展，擴(kuò)展到全球的主流偏好。所謂的民族市場是一個(gè)很好的例子。中國食品，皮塔餅，鄉(xiāng)村和西部音樂，比薩餅和爵士樂無處不在。他們是細(xì)分市場，在全球的比

25、例存在。他們不否認(rèn)或違背全球同質(zhì)化，但確認(rèn)。</p><p>　　今天國家之間的分歧，以產(chǎn)品和他們的許多功能其實(shí)反映了跨國公司尊重的居所，他們認(rèn)為是固定本地偏好。</p><p><b>　　經(jīng)濟(jì)的范圍</b></p><p>　　反對全球化的一個(gè)論點(diǎn)說，靈活的工廠自動(dòng)化，使大量植物改變產(chǎn)品尺寸和產(chǎn)品功能快速生產(chǎn)過程中沒有停止。未來的生產(chǎn)，這些

26、工廠可能因此而犧牲長遠(yuǎn)的，從生產(chǎn)到規(guī)模經(jīng)濟(jì)的廣泛的產(chǎn)品線定制的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化項(xiàng)目運(yùn)行。</p><p>　　電腦輔助設(shè)計(jì)及制造（CAD / CAM）的，機(jī)器人技術(shù)相結(jié)合，將創(chuàng)建一個(gè)新的設(shè)備和工藝技術(shù)器（EPT），這將使靠近位于較遠(yuǎn)的效率，大市場的小廠。規(guī)模經(jīng)濟(jì)將不占主導(dǎo)地位，而經(jīng)濟(jì)的范圍 - 無論是大或小廠生產(chǎn)的能力在非常低的價(jià)格.如果出現(xiàn)這種情況的客戶定制產(chǎn)品的種類繁多相對便沒有必要放棄特別優(yōu)惠。</p>

27、<p>　　我不否認(rèn)這些可能性的力量。但可能性不作概率。沒有那么靈活的工廠自動(dòng)化想象的方式可以實(shí)現(xiàn)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化，致力于大規(guī)模生產(chǎn)線的現(xiàn)代化工廠的規(guī)模效益。新的數(shù)字化EPTs是向所有人提供。最小的定制和狹隘的產(chǎn)品線廣度遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)低于制造商將有更多的定制和更廣泛的線條這些費(fèi)用。</p><p>　　他們認(rèn)為偏好是固定的，并不是因?yàn)樗麄冎皇怯捎趯κ裁词撬枷虢┗牧?xí)慣。在跨國公司的大多數(shù)高層管理人員錯(cuò)誤地以為隨便包容他們

28、營銷手段讓消費(fèi)者什么，他說，他希望，而不是試圖理解正是他想。因此，他們堅(jiān)持高費(fèi)用，跨國公司的產(chǎn)品定制和做法，而不是硬壓和緊迫的全球標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化正常。</p><p>　　我不主張地方或國家差異系統(tǒng)性漠視。但公司的這種差異的敏感性，它不要求做不同的事情忽略或更好的可能性。</p><p>　　有，例如，中東國家之間的巨大差異。有些是社會(huì)主義，有些君主制，一些共和國.一些從拿破侖法典的法律遺產(chǎn)，一些

29、從奧斯曼帝國，從英國普通法一些;除以色列外，所有受伊斯蘭教。做生意就是在一個(gè)癡迷個(gè)性時(shí)尚親密的合作關(guān)系。齋月期間，企業(yè)就可以開始討論后，才在晚上10時(shí)，當(dāng)人們厭倦和食品全部經(jīng)過一天的禁食。一個(gè)公司幾乎肯定有一個(gè)當(dāng)?shù)氐暮献骰锇?，一個(gè)地方律師要求（如，說，在紐約），和不可撤銷信用證是必不可少的。然而，可口可樂公司高級副總裁薩姆阿尤布說：“阿拉伯人更使一方面和經(jīng)濟(jì)現(xiàn)實(shí)上的差距，文化和宗教目的的鑒別能力比一般假設(shè)。伊斯蘭教與科學(xué)和現(xiàn)代兼容時(shí)代”

30、。</p><p>　　全球化隔水層般的障礙不是中東。技術(shù)和整個(gè)歐洲共同市場國家的邊界數(shù)據(jù)傳輸是妨礙自由的法律和財(cái)務(wù)上的障礙。并有抗無線電和電視干擾（“污染”的鄰國之間的歐洲國家）。但是，過去是一個(gè)很好的指導(dǎo)未來。憑著毅力和適當(dāng)?shù)氖侄危瑢ψ吭降募夹g(shù)和經(jīng)濟(jì)障礙，一直下降。沒有記錄的例外情況作出合理的努力，克服這些困難。這是一個(gè)很有時(shí)間和精力的事。</p><p><b>　　在全球

31、想象力的失敗</b></p><p>　　許多公司試圖通過出口來規(guī)范不提供住宿或改變國內(nèi)產(chǎn)品和工藝世界的實(shí)踐 - 并已失敗。其不足之處已被抓住在面對牛不可能愚蠢的證據(jù)。全球標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化的倡導(dǎo)者認(rèn)為在執(zhí)行失敗的例子。</p><p>　　事實(shí)上，糟糕的執(zhí)行往往是一個(gè)重要原因。但更重要的，是神經(jīng)失敗 - 想象力的失敗。考慮為家里的全自動(dòng)洗衣設(shè)備在西歐引進(jìn)，當(dāng)時(shí)數(shù)家甚至有半自動(dòng)機(jī)器的情況。

32、胡佛公司，其母公司是在北廣，總部位于美國俄亥俄州，曾在英國著名的存在看作是一種真空吸塵器生產(chǎn)商和洗滌機(jī)器.由于需求不足，在國內(nèi)市場和歐洲出口量較低，其英國大型洗衣機(jī)廠經(jīng)營遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)低于能力。它需要出售更多自動(dòng)化機(jī)器。</p><p>　　因?yàn)樗幸粋€(gè)“合適的”營銷導(dǎo)向。胡佛進(jìn)行消費(fèi)在英國和各主要大陸國家偏好研究。結(jié)果 - 在圖表描繪 - 顯示在幾個(gè)國家的特點(diǎn)喜好不夠清楚。增量單位定制，以滿足僅僅是少數(shù)國家偏好的可變成本

33、為：主場迎戰(zhàn)搪瓷不銹鋼桶，2.80美元;前舷窗窗口加載，1.40元; 800轉(zhuǎn)的轉(zhuǎn)速，2.10美元;熱水器，7.70美元，6公斤容量，4.20美元 - 為每機(jī)18.20個(gè)。工廠的投資相當(dāng)大，需要滿足其他優(yōu)惠。</p><p>　　當(dāng)?shù)厣a(chǎn)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)在不同國家的品牌最低零售價(jià)分別為：瑞典375美元，法國$ 319，$ 316西德，英國和意大利$ 308 159美元。定制產(chǎn)品在每個(gè)國家將提出在一個(gè)貧窮的基礎(chǔ)上的價(jià)格競爭地

34、位胡佛，這主要是由于較高的生產(chǎn)短生產(chǎn)費(fèi)用單獨(dú)運(yùn)行的功能。由于共同市場的關(guān)稅削減方案當(dāng)時(shí)不完整的。胡佛還支付每個(gè)大陸國家關(guān)稅職責(zé)。</p><p>　　A powerful force drives the world toward a converging commonality, and that force is technology. It has proletarianized communication

35、, transport and travel. It has made isolated places and impoverished peoples eager for modernity's allurements. Almost everyone everywhere wants all the things they have heard about, seen, or experienced via the new

36、technologies.</p><p>　　The result is a new commercial reality - the emergence of global markets for standardized consumer products on a previously unimagined scale. Corporations geared to this new reality be

37、nefit from enormous economies of scale in production, distribution, marketing and management. By translating these benefits into reduced world prices, they can decimate competitors that still live in the disabling grip o

38、f old assumptions about how the world works.</p><p>　　Gone are accustomed differences in national or regional preference.Gone are the days when a company could sell last year's models – or lesser version

39、s of advanced products ! in the less developed world.And gone are the days when prices, margins and profits abroad were generally higher than at home. The globalization of markets is at hand. With that, the multinational

40、 commercial world nears its end,and so does the multinational corporation.</p><p>　　The multinational and the global corporation are not the same thing. The multinational corporation operates in a number of

41、countries, and adjusts its products and practices in each - at high relative costs. The global corporation operates with resolute constancy – at low relative cost - as if the entire world (or major regions of it) were a

42、single entity; it sells the same things in the same way everywhere.</p><p>　　Global vs. multinational</p><p>　　Which strategy is better is not a matter of opinion but of necessity.Worldwide comm

43、unications carry everywhere the constant drumbeat of modern possibilities to lighten and enhance work, raise living standards, divert and entertain. The same countries that ask the world to recognize and respect the indi

44、viduality of their cultures insist on the wholesale transfer to them of modern goods, services and technologies. Modernity is not just a wish but also a widespread practice among those who cling, w</p><p>　　

45、Who can forget the televised scenes during the 1979 Iranian uprisings of young men in fashionable French-cut trousers and silky hody shirts thirsting with raised modern weapons for blood in the name of Islamic fundamenta

46、lism?</p><p>　　In Brazil, thousands swarm daily from preindustrial Bahian darkness into exploding coastal cities, there quickly to install television sets in crowded corrugated huts and, next to battered Vol

47、kswagens, make sacrificial offerings of fruit and fresh-killed chickens to Macumban spirits by candlelight.</p><p>　　During Biafra's fratricidal war against the Ibos, daily televised reports showed soldi

48、ers carrying bloodstained swords and listening to transistor radios while drinking Coca-Cola.</p><p>　　In the isolated Siberian city of Krasnoyarsk, with no paved streets and censored news, occasional wester

49、n travelers are stealthily propositioned for cigarettes, digital watches, and even the clothes off their backs.</p><p>　　The organized smuggling of electronic equipment, used automobiles, western clothing, c

50、osmetics and pirated movies into primitive places exceeds even the thriving underground trade in modern weapons and their military mercenaries. A thousand suggestive ways attest to the ubiquity of the desire for the most

51、 advanced things that the world makes and sells - goods of the best quality and reliability at the lowest price. The world's needs and desires have been irrevocably homogenized. This makes the m</p><p>　

52、　The Republic of Technology</p><p>　　Daniel J. Boorstin, author of the monumental trilogy The Americans, characterized our age as driven by "the Republic of Technology [whose] supreme law ... is converg

53、ence, the tendency for everything to become more like everything else." In business, this trend has pushed markets toward global commonality. Corporations sell standardized products in the same way everywhere -autos

54、, steel, chemicals, petroleum, cement, agricultural commodities and equipment, industrial and commercial construction,ba</p><p>　　Nor is the sweeping gale of globalization confined to these raw materials or

55、high-tech products, where the universal language of customers and users facilitates standardization. The transforming winds whipped up by the proletarianization of communication and travel enter every crevice of life. Co

56、mmercially, nothing confirms this as much as the success of McDonald's from the Champs Elysees to the Ginza, of Coca-Cola in Bahrain and Pepsi-Cola in Moscow, and of rock music, Greek salad, Hollywood mo</p>&

57、lt;p>　　Starting from opposing sides, the high-tech and the high-touch ends of the commercial spectrum gradually consume the undistributed middle in their cosmopolitan orbit. No one is exempt and nothing can stop the p

58、rocess. Everywhere everything gets more and more like everything else as the world's preference structure is relentlessly homogenized. Consider the cases of Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola, which are globally standardized p

59、roducts sold everywhere and welcomed by everyone. Both successfully cross </p><p>　　These are not exceptional examples. (Indeed, their global reachwould be even greater were it not for artificial trade barri

60、ers.) They exemplify a general drift toward the homogenization of the world and how companies distribute, finance and price products. ^ Nothing is exempt. The products and methods of the industrialized world play a singl

61、e tune for all the world, and all the world eagerly dances to it. Ancient differences in national tastes or modes of doing business disappear. The commonalit</p><p>　　The most effective world competitors inc

62、orporate superior quality and reliability into their cost structures. They sell in all national markets the same kind of products sold at home or in their largest export market. They compete on the basis of appropriate v

63、alue ! the best combinations of price, quality, reliability and delivery for products that are globally identical with respect to design, function and even fashion.</p><p>　　That, and little else, explains t

64、he surging success of Japanese companies dealing worldwide in a vast variety of products - both tangible products like steel, cars, motorcycles, hi-fi equipment, farm machinery, robots, microprocessors, carbon fibers, an

65、d now even textiles, and intangibles like banking, shipping, general contracting, and soon computer software. Nor are high-quality and low-cost operations incompatible, as a host of consulting organizations and data engi

66、neers argue with vigorous v</p><p>　　To say that Japan's companies are not global because they export cars with left-hand drive to the United States and the European continent, while those in Japan have

67、right-hand drive, or because they sell office machines through distributors in the United States but directly at home, or speak Portuguese in Brazil is to mistake a difference for a distinction. The same is true of Safew

68、ay and Southland retail chains operating effectively in the Middle East, and to not only native but also imported </p><p>　　Vindication of the Model T</p><p>　　If a company forces costs and pric

69、es down and pushes quality and reliability up - while maintaining reasonable concern for suitability - customers will prefer its world-standardized products. The theory holds, at this stage in the evolution of globalizat

70、ion, no matter what conventional market research and even common sense may suggest about different national and regional tastes, preferences, needs and institutions. The Japanese have repeatedly vindicated this theory, a

71、s did Henry Ford with the </p><p>　　Of course, large companies operating in a single nation or even a single city don't standardize everything they make, sell, or do. They have product lines instead of a

72、 single product version, and multiple distribution channels. There are neighborhood, local, regional,ethnic and institutional differences, even within metropolitan areas. But although companies customize products for par

73、ticular market segments, they know that success in a world with homogenized demand requires a search for sales op</p><p>　　Such a search works because a market segment in one country is seldom unique; it has

74、 close cousins everywhere precisely because technology has homogenized the globe. Even small local segments have their global equivalents everywhere and become subject to global competition, especially on price. The glob

75、al competitor will seek constantly to standardize his offering everywhere. He will digress from this standardization only after exhausting all possibilities to retain it, and he will push for rein</p><p>　　T

76、rouble increasingly stalks companies that lack clarified global focus and remain inattentive to the economics of simplicity and standardization. The most endangered companies in the rapidly evolving world tend to be thos

77、e that dominate rather small domestic markets with high value-added products for which there are smaller markets elsewhere. With transportation costs proportionately low, distant competitors will enter the now sheltered

78、markets of those companies with goods produced more cheaply</p><p>　　When the global producer offers his lower costs internationally, his patronage expands exponentially. He not only reaches into distant mar

79、kets, but also attracts customers who previously held to local preferences and now capitulate to the attractions of lower prices.The strategy of standardization not only responds to worldwide homogenized markets but also

80、 expands those markets with aggressive low pricing. The new technological juggernaut taps an ancient motivation - to make one's money go as fa</p><p>　　The hedgehog knows</p><p>　　The differ

81、ence between the hedgehog and the fox, wrote Sir Isaiah Berlin in distinguishing between Dostoevski and Tolstoy, is that the fox knows a lot about a great many things, but the hedgehog knows everything about one great th

82、ing. The multinational corporation knows a lot about a great many countries and congenially adapts to supposed differences. It willingly accepts vestigial national differences, not questioning the possibility of their tr

83、ansformation, not recognizing how the world is rea</p><p>　　By contrast, the global corporation knows everything about one great thing. It knows about the absolute need to be competitive on a worldwide basis

84、 as well as nationally and seeks constantly to drive down prices by standardizing what it sells and how it operates. It treats the world as composed of a few standardized markets rather than many customized markets. It a

85、ctively seeks and vigorously works toward global convergence. Its mission is modernity and its mode, price competition, even when it </p><p>　　Nobody takes scarcity lying down; everyone wants more. This in p

86、art explains division of labor and specialization of production.They enable people and nations to optimize their conditions through trade. The medium is usually money. Experience teaches that money has three special qual

87、ities: scarcity, difficulty of acquisition and transience. People understandably treat it with respect. Everyone in the increasingly homogenized world market wants products and features that everybody else wants. If <

88、/p><p>　　The implacable truth of all modern production -whether of tangible or intangible goods - is that large-scale production of standardized items is generally cheaper within a wide range of volume than sma

89、ll-scale production. Some argue that CAD/CAM will allow companies to manufacture customized products on a small scale – but cheaply. But the argument misses the point. (For a more detailed discussion, see the ruled inser

90、t, "Economies of scope.") If a company treats the world as one or two distincti</p><p>　　Remaining differences</p><p>　　Different cultural preferences, national tastes and standards, a

91、nd business institutions are vestiges of the past. Some inheritances die gradually; others prosper and expand into mainstream global preferences. So-called ethnic markets are a good example. Chinese food,pita bread, coun

92、try and western music, pizza and jazz are everywhere. They are market segments that exist in worldwide proportions. They don't deny or contradict global homogenization but confirm it.</p><p>　　Many of to

93、day's differences among nations as to products and their features actually reflect the respectful accommodation of multinational corporations to what they believe are fixed local preferences.</p><p>　　Ec

94、onomies of scope</p><p>　　One argument that opposes globalization says that flexible factory automation will enable plants of massive size to change products and product features quickly, without stopping th

95、e manufacturing process. These factories of the future could thus produce broad lines of customized products without sacrificing the scale economies that come from long production runs of standardized items.</p>&

96、lt;p>　　Computer-aided design and manufacturing (CAD/CAM), combined with robotics, will create a new equipment and process technology (EPT) that will make small plants located close to their markets as efficient as lar

97、ge ones located distantly. Economies of scale will not dominate, but rather economies of scope - the ability of either large or small plants to produce great varieties of relatively customized products at remarkably low

98、costs.If that happens customers will have no need to abandon special p</p><p>　　I will not deny the power of these possibilities. But possibilities do not make probabilities. There is no conceivable way in w

99、bich fiexible factory automation can achieve the scale economies of a modernized plant dedicated to mass production of standardized lines. The new digitalized EPTs are available to all. Manufacturers with minimal customi