室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)外文翻譯

1、<p>　　畢業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)英文資料翻譯</p><p>　　Translation of the English Documents for Graduation Design</p><p>　　2013 年 05 月 20 日</p><p><b>　　譯文：</b></p><p><b&

2、gt;　　室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)</b></p><p>　　室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)不僅包括裝修及家具的空間，而且還考慮到空間規(guī)劃，燈光，與用戶行為有關(guān)的程序化問題，包括從具體問題的可及性到在空間中的活動(dòng)的性質(zhì)。在商業(yè)和公共空間顯著的變化后，室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)如今的標(biāo)志是一個(gè)新的彈性類型學(xué)。</p><p>　　室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)不僅包括方案規(guī)劃也包括室內(nèi)空間的物理治療：預(yù)測其使用的性質(zhì)以及它的家具和表面，包括墻，地面，天花

3、板。在職權(quán)范圍上，室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)有別于室內(nèi)裝修工程。裝修關(guān)心的是家具的選擇，然而設(shè)計(jì)者要把離散的裝飾元素整合成方案關(guān)注的空間和使用。室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)師在從底層向上的內(nèi)部的空間時(shí)間方面與與建筑師合作，但是他們?nèi)匀华?dú)立的工作，尤其在翻修的情況下。歷史上，植根于總體藝術(shù)作品的概念，曾經(jīng)都是建筑師設(shè)計(jì)的?？傮w藝術(shù)作品的概念源于十九世紀(jì)末和二十世紀(jì)初的工藝美術(shù)運(yùn)動(dòng)。其支持者（從弗蘭克·勞埃德·賴特到凡德羅）在室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)專業(yè)的起源期間延長其做法

4、以包括內(nèi)飾領(lǐng)域行為并不是偶然的。事實(shí)上，這是一個(gè)建筑師采取的防御措施，建筑師們把室內(nèi)裝修或設(shè)計(jì)師的形式上的干預(yù)看作是對(duì)他們完整的藝術(shù)性的一種威脅。</p><p>　　如今，除了像理查德·邁耶那樣的非常重視均勻性的現(xiàn)代主義者，扮演室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)師角色的建筑師（數(shù)量在增長）更有傾向于理論與實(shí)踐的折衷，并聯(lián)21世紀(jì)的定價(jià)多元化。盡管如此，對(duì)室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)師以及室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)領(lǐng)域的偏見持續(xù)存在。由于室內(nèi)被視為一個(gè)集裝箱的蜉蝣，

5、從而阻礙了對(duì)室內(nèi)的批評(píng)性的討論。此外，對(duì)室內(nèi)的傳統(tǒng)觀點(diǎn)充滿了偏見：階級(jí)偏見與百年歷史的協(xié)會(huì)商人有關(guān)，性別偏見與把裝飾行業(yè)描述成主要是婦女和男性同性戀的領(lǐng)域。因此，室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)作為文化價(jià)值的表達(dá)的信譽(yù)已被嚴(yán)重?fù)p壞。</p><p>　　然而，對(duì)文化大系統(tǒng)的理解在全球化的影響下一直在變化。在一個(gè)更寬容的環(huán)境中，鼓勵(lì)不同文化間的融合，高文化和低文化的區(qū)別被消除。同樣，有更頻繁的生產(chǎn)性借貸的事例發(fā)生在建筑，設(shè)計(jì)，裝修等曾經(jīng)被

6、看作是專有領(lǐng)地的領(lǐng)域。并且建筑，室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)，室內(nèi)裝修領(lǐng)域仍然有不同的教育協(xié)議以及不同的關(guān)注重點(diǎn)，他們表現(xiàn)出更大的互相的興趣。</p><p>　　另一種考慮這種新興的合成的方法是用現(xiàn)代，技術(shù)和歷史替代建筑，室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)和裝修的三合一。后現(xiàn)代時(shí)代的特征之一是提高了對(duì)過去影響現(xiàn)在的角色的認(rèn)識(shí)。在室內(nèi)，這表現(xiàn)在一個(gè)新的興趣飾品，工藝和重要性以及空間復(fù)雜性，所有平行于正在運(yùn)行的現(xiàn)代化的項(xiàng)目。</p><p&

7、gt;　　更重要的是，有一種新的彈性類型學(xué)。如今，傳統(tǒng)的室內(nèi)類型例如房子，倉庫，辦公室，餐廳等，盡力控制它們的邊界。方案收斂的表現(xiàn)能在公共場合以及商業(yè)空間被清晰的發(fā)現(xiàn)，渴望更加界面友好和有消費(fèi)意識(shí)。越來越多的私立醫(yī)院（競爭患者）雇用設(shè)施并形成靈感來自豪華溫泉的語言；同時(shí)，許多體育館以及健身俱樂部采用臨床醫(yī)療設(shè)施以向客戶介紹自己服務(wù)的價(jià)值。同樣的室內(nèi)協(xié)議能夠在辦公室中發(fā)現(xiàn)，指派非正式的，現(xiàn)場工作理論的藝術(shù)家的倉庫。在旅館使用美術(shù)館的語言。

8、相似的，越來越多的雜貨店和書店包括用于飲食和交際的空間以及家具。</p><p>　　同時(shí)，有一種新的舒適的在室內(nèi)風(fēng)格上趨同，從設(shè)計(jì)的歷史上私有和重組不同的報(bào)價(jià)。這些室內(nèi)布局是藝術(shù)的混合，它們不是簡單的混合以及匹配家具和風(fēng)格，而是通過當(dāng)代的鏡頭進(jìn)行過濾?，F(xiàn)代室內(nèi)布局的另一個(gè)標(biāo)志是敘事的公開結(jié)合。在零售空間堅(jiān)持嚴(yán)格的環(huán)境主題，例如拉爾夫·勞倫服裝店和像拉斯維加斯的賭場那樣的娛樂場所。然而，更好玩的小線性辦

9、法說明越來越普遍。</p><p>　　在所有的室內(nèi)類型學(xué)中，住宅已經(jīng)被改變所輕微的影響，除了短暫的趨勢(shì)，如室外廚房和浴室的魅力。然而，住宅設(shè)計(jì)占據(jù)室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)全面的主導(dǎo)地位。它已經(jīng)成為反思的催化劑，使得一系列空間堅(jiān)定的從中分離出來，從秘書室到護(hù)士站再到圖書館的閱覽室。辦公室的個(gè)人住宿的考慮，醫(yī)院色彩的使用，圖書館提供沙發(fā)正變的很平常，僅僅引用這三個(gè)例子。這種環(huán)境（與窗簾，壁紙，除其他住宅要素）為以前的地域提供了更多

10、的舒適性，安心，愉悅，而這是以前慣例所禁止和社會(huì)所排除的。毫無疑問的，這些公共領(lǐng)域以及商業(yè)空間的變化是由20世紀(jì)60年代的解放運(yùn)動(dòng)帶來的。這些運(yùn)動(dòng)反對(duì)種族，階級(jí)，性別的障礙，以及作為更大氣候以及好客和住宿基礎(chǔ)的身體能力。</p><p>　　在流行的住宅模式中發(fā)現(xiàn)一個(gè)完全不同的議程也是可能的。把國內(nèi)設(shè)施投入到商業(yè)空間，例如辦公室室內(nèi)的娛樂空間也可以解釋為一個(gè)更廣泛的嘗試的一部分，嘗試把更容易既接受的氛圍引入自由資

11、本主義市場。從這點(diǎn)上來看，室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)肩負(fù)著娛樂的任務(wù)，沒有什么新的把戲。每一個(gè)室內(nèi)布局都是舞臺(tái)設(shè)置的基礎(chǔ)。它也不是特別隱匿-只要自負(fù)是透明的。然而，當(dāng)幻想變成妄想，也就是當(dāng)為疾病的現(xiàn)實(shí)而設(shè)計(jì)補(bǔ)償過度時(shí)，或者當(dāng)由于全天候經(jīng)濟(jì)的無情的要求使得辦公室變成代理人的公寓時(shí)，這是危險(xiǎn)的表現(xiàn)。在這些情況下，設(shè)計(jì)放棄其潛力改變?nèi)粘Ｉ?，金額略多于一個(gè)淺顯的重新命名空間。</p><p>　　另外一種力量正在推動(dòng)室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)的演化，擴(kuò)大

12、公眾對(duì)設(shè)計(jì)以及設(shè)計(jì)師的認(rèn)識(shí)。設(shè)計(jì)作為市容和地位的象征的需求在逐漸增長，受住房雜志擴(kuò)散的影響，電視節(jié)目專門討論家庭裝飾以及廣告系列的商業(yè)實(shí)體，例如塔吉特和宜家家居。在西方，繁榮再加上媒體的胃口，已經(jīng)全部迷戀室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)，也反映了自戀的消費(fèi)推動(dòng)型社會(huì)。一方面，越來越多的公眾形象設(shè)計(jì)產(chǎn)生出的有正面的民主的成果，這些設(shè)計(jì)能夠在DIY網(wǎng)絡(luò)站點(diǎn)上看到，并且像家庭百貨那樣的企業(yè)強(qiáng)調(diào)自力更生。這也可以更普遍的認(rèn)為重新審議美中隱含的定價(jià)設(shè)計(jì)是一種社會(huì)現(xiàn)象，由

13、其傾向去激勵(lì)情況有所改善。另一方面，室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)的通過人物例如菲利普斯塔克，瑪莎斯圖爾特和芭芭拉巴里的流行已經(jīng)鼓勵(lì)膚淺理解內(nèi)部的注意力更多地集中在物體而不是對(duì)行為和相互作用的對(duì)象。</p><p>　　在室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)方面，所有最近的爆炸事件，仍然存在根本的保守的舞臺(tái)設(shè)計(jì)，因?yàn)樗歉畹俟痰陌踩耘c舒適性的觀念中。這種看法由于特殊行動(dòng)而加劇了，例如，醫(yī)療和盛情款待。雖然這些企業(yè)了深入了解心理學(xué)，力學(xué)和經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)知識(shí)的特殊環(huán)境，

14、但是它們還長期區(qū)別阻礙更有機(jī)結(jié)合的辦法，內(nèi)部的延伸架構(gòu)，甚至外面的風(fēng)景。一個(gè)顯著的例外是設(shè)計(jì)和建筑公司的增加，增加了的支撐材料以及其在室內(nèi)應(yīng)用方面的專門的技術(shù)。同時(shí)，設(shè)計(jì)公司用持久性標(biāo)識(shí)自己，并提升自己為環(huán)保主義者。一場用行動(dòng)承擔(dān)環(huán)境責(zé)任的活動(dòng)正在開展。</p><p>　　在過去的四十年間，人們努力使室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)領(lǐng)域?qū)I(yè)化并給予它與建筑平等的地位。在美國和加拿大，室內(nèi)教育學(xué)會(huì)以前叫做教育研究基金會(huì)，討論在學(xué)院以及大

15、學(xué)里的室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)教育以形成實(shí)踐的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。此外，國際工業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)會(huì)議把室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)包含在其范圍內(nèi)，把它定義為是“智力性的專業(yè)，而非僅僅是交易或者一種娛樂服務(wù)”的一部分。</p><p>　　然而，室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)人員的教育仍然隨著無標(biāo)準(zhǔn)教育而存在驚人的變數(shù)。因此，室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)仍然被認(rèn)為是對(duì)專家和業(yè)余人員都開放的領(lǐng)域。這種觀念的形成和這個(gè)領(lǐng)域較短的歷史以及更廣闊的文化外力相互包含相互作用導(dǎo)致的全球化有關(guān)。</p><p&

16、gt;<b>　　原文：</b></p><p>　　Interior Design</p><p>　　Susan Yelavich</p><p>　　Interior design embraces not only the decoration and furnishing of space, but also consideratio

17、ns of space planning, lighting, and programmatic issues pertaining to user behaviors, ranging from specific issues of accessibility to the nature of the activities to be conducted in the space. The hallmark of interior d

18、esign today is a new elasticity in typologies, seen most dramatically in the domestication of commercial and public spaces. </p><p>　　Interior design encompasses both the programmatic planning and physical t

19、reatment of interior space: the projection of its use and the nature of its furnishings and surfaces, that is, walls, floors, and ceilings. Interior design is distinguished from interior decoration in the scope of its pu

20、rview. Decorators are primarily concerned with the selection of furnishings, while designers integrate the discrete elements of décor into programmatic concerns of space and use. Interior designers generally</p&g

21、t;<p>　　Today, apart from strict modernists like Richard Meier who place a premium on homogeneity, architects who take on the role of interior designer (and their numbers are growing) are more likely to be eclecti

22、c in philosophy and practice, paralleling the twenty-first century's valorization of plurality. Nonetheless, the bias against interior designers and the realm of the interior itself continues to persist. Critical dis

23、cussions of the interior have been hampered by its popular perception as a cont</p><p>　　However, the conditions and the light in which culture-at-large is understood are changing under the impact of global

24、ization. The distinctions between “high” culture and “l(fā)ow” culture are dissipating in a more tolerant climate that encourages the cross-fertilization between the two poles. Likewise, there are more frequent instances of

25、productive borrowings among architecture, design, and decoration, once considered exclusive domains. And while the fields of architecture, interior design, and in</p><p>　　Another way to think of this emerge

26、nt synthesis is to substitute the triad of “architecture, interior design, and decoration” with “modernity, technology, and history.” One of the hallmarks of the postmodern era is a heightened awareness of the role of t

27、he past in shaping the present. In the interior, this manifests itself in a renewed interest in ornament, in evidence of craft and materiality, and in spatial complexities, all running parallel to the ongoing project of

28、 modernity. </p><p>　　Even more significantly, there is a new elasticity in typologies. Today, the traditional typologies of the interior—house, loft, office, restaurant, and so on—strain to control their bo

29、rders. Evidence of programmatic convergences can clearly be seen in public and commercial spaces that aspire to be both more user-friendly and consumer-conscious. Growing numbers of private hospitals (in competition for

30、patients) employ amenities and form languages inspired by luxury spas; at the same time, many g</p><p>　　Likewise, there is a new comfort with stylistic convergences in interiors that appropriate and recombi

31、ne disparate quotations from design history. These are exemplified in spaces such as Rem Koolhaas' Casa da Musica (2005) in Porto, Portugal (with its inventive use of traditional Portuguese tiles), and Herzog &

32、de Meuron's Walker Art Center (2005) in Minneapolis, Minnesota (where stylized acanthus-leaf patterns are used to mark gallery entrances). These interiors make an art out of hybridism. T</p><p>　　Another

33、 hallmark of the contemporary interior is the overt incorporation of narrative. Tightly themed environments persist in retail spaces such as Ralph Lauren's clothing stores and in entertainment spaces like Las Vegas c

34、asinos. However, a more playful and less linear approach to narrative is increasingly common. </p><p>　　Of all the typologies of the interior, the residence has been least affected by change, apart from ephe

35、meral trends such as outdoor kitchens and palatial bathrooms. However, the narrative of the residence dominates interior design at large. It has become the catalyst for rethinking a host of spaces once firmly isolated fr

36、om it, ranging from the secretary's cubicle, to the nurse's station, to the librarian's reading room. Considerations such as the accommodation of personal accessories in the wor</p><p>　　It is al

37、so possible to detect a wholly other agenda in the popularity of the residential model. The introduction of domestic amenities into commercial spaces, such as recreation spaces in office interiors, can also be construed

38、as part of a wider attempt to put a more acceptable face on the workings of free-market capitalism. In this view, interior design dons the mask of entertainment. There is nothing new about the charade. Every interior is

39、fundamentally a stage set. Nor is it particularly in</p><p>　　Another force is driving the domestication of the interior and that is the enlarged public awareness of design and designers. There is a growing

40、popular demand for design as amenity and status symbol, stimulated by the proliferation of shelter magazines, television shows devoted to home decorating, and the advertising campaigns of commercial entities such as Targ

41、et and Ikea. In the Western world, prosperity, combined with the appetite of the media, has all but fetishized the interior, yielding y</p><p>　　For all the recent explosion of interest in interior design, i

42、t remains, however, a fundamentally conservative arena of design, rooted as it is in notions of enclosure, security, and comfort. This perception has been exacerbated by the growth of specialized practices focused, for e

43、xample, on healthcare and hospitality. While such firms offer deep knowledge of the psychology, mechanics, and economies of particular environments, they also perpetuate distinctions that hinder a more integral approac&l

44、t;/p><p>　　Over the past four decades, efforts have intensified to professionalize the field of interior design and to accord it a status equal to that of architecture. In the US and Canada the Council for Inte

45、rior Design Accreditation, formerly known as FIDER, reviews interior design education programs at colleges and universities to regulate standards of practice. Furthermore, the International Council of Societies of Indust

46、rial Design (ICSID) embraces interior design within its purview, defining it as p</p><p>　　Yet, the education of interior designers remains tremendously variable, with no uniformity of pedagogy. Hence, inter

47、ior design continues to be perceived as an arena open to the specialist and the amateur. This perception is indicative of both the relatively short history of the profession itself and the broader cultural forces of incl

48、usion and interactivity that mark a global society. </p><p><b>　　原文來源： </b></p><p>　　Board of International Research in Design，Design Dictionary Perspectives on Design Terminology，B