外文翻譯---為什么中國(guó)如此具有競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力？測(cè)量和講述中國(guó)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力

1、<p>　　外文題目：Why is China so Competitive? Measuring and Explaining China's Competitiveness</p><p>　　出 處：World Economy; Feb2006, Vol. 29 Issue 2, p95-122, 28p</p><p>　　作 者：Adams, F.

2、Gerard Gangnes, ByronShachmurove, Yochanan</p><p>　　1. Introduction</p><p>　　In the past decade, the export performance of the Chinese economy has been</p><p>　　phenomenal. The issu

3、e of Chinese competitiveness has expanded in scope</p><p>　　from a regional question – ‘Why is China so competitive with respect to other</p><p>　　East Asian exporters?’ – to a worldwide questio

4、n – ‘Why are Chinese goods so competitive in the world market?’</p><p>　　Some observers have expressed concern about the growing centralisation of the world’s manufacturing production in East Asia, and parti

5、cularly in China. At issue are the implications for manufacturing employment and wages in the United States, Europe and Japan, where a large fraction of Chinese exports is directed.There has also been worry about the def

6、lationary implications of cheap Chinese exports on the advanced countries.</p><p>　　In the United States, China’s exchange rate and its implications for competition have become a political issue as the US tr

7、ade deficit with China has risen above $100 billion. In East Asia, China’s competitiveness is being seen as responsible for shifts in production and foreign investment that have impeded growth in other countries in the r

8、egion.</p><p>　　The present debate over Chinese competitiveness is reminiscent of 1980s worries about the American competitive losses to Japan. Yet, there are some important differences. In the 1980s, Americ

9、an concerns were of an increasingly wealthy Japanese economy that appeared poised to overtake the US as a leader in key technologies and in overall wealth and prestige. In the current situation, it is instead the multina

10、tional corporations of the United States,Japan and other economies who are shifting their</p><p>　　Our primary concern will be about whether the phenomenon of Chinese competitiveness is primarily one of exch

11、ange rate undervaluation – that can presumably be remedied by appreciation of the Chinese exchange rate. Or, alternatively, does Chinese competitiveness reflect more fundamental changes in the production possibilities of

12、 a ‘new’ Chinese economy?</p><p>　　This paper considers China’s competitiveness, its definition and measurement.</p><p>　　In the next section we look at China’s success in capturing world export

13、 markets.</p><p>　　We then turn to a conceptual discussion of competitiveness and the practical</p><p>　　challenges involved in its measurement. Following sections look at empirical</p>&

14、lt;p>　　indicators of Chinese competitiveness. An evaluation section summarises findings and draws some tentative conclusions.</p><p>　　2. Chinese export performance</p><p>　　We begin by askin

15、g whether China has indeed been successful in its pursuit of</p><p>　　international markets. In recent years, the record of Chinese exports has been</p><p>　　spectacular, though cyclical. Chines

16、e exports have expanded very rapidly, since</p><p>　　1990 at more than twice the rate of growth of world trade. Other East Asian countries have also shown rapid export growth but, espite substantial devaluat

17、ions, in recent years many have lagged behind China.As is clearly apparent in Figure 1, in recent years Chinese exports have grown much more rapidly than otherEast Asian countries’ exports, by 34.5 percent in 2003 and, a

18、pparently, at a similar rate in the first half of 2004.</p><p>　　An alternative way to evaluate the development of exports is to see them as a share of world trade. The results are striking. China (including

19、 Hong Kong) has shown a steadily increasing share of world exports to 8.9 per cent in 2003. Other East Asian countries show steady increases in their shares of world trade until 1995 and stable or slightly declining shar

20、es thereafter. Japan shows a growing market share until 1990, but loses share thereafter, presumably to East Asian competition. </p><p>　　The United States shows substantial declines in market share (except

21、in 1995–2000), and, in relative terms, now plays a considerably smaller role in world export markets than in 1970. The composition of the exports of China and other East Asian countries provides some insight into the ch

22、anging role of China in the world economy. Export composition reflects the traditional development ladder approach, starting with raw materials and foodstuffs in the lowest income countries, then increasing stro</p>

23、;<p>　　A more detailed look is obtained by selecting sectors that can be called hightech</p><p>　　and low-tech at the ‘two-digit’ SITC level. High-tech exports from China like office machines, telecom

24、, electrical machinery and parts have been growing much more rapidly than traditional Chinese export products like clothing and footwear, though the latter remain quantitatively important. Hong Kong and Korea also show v

25、ery rapid growth for telecom and Malaysia and Singapore for ADP. The growing high-tech categories in China include a disproportionate share of assembly and of relatively simple p</p><p>　　It is not possible

26、statistically to measure the qualitative improvements that have increased the competitiveness of Chinese products. But, changes in the range of products being produced are suggestive of the developments that are taking p

27、lace.</p><p>　　To summarise, in comparison with other East Asian countries, China has become</p><p>　　the dominant exporter and is increasingly shifting into higher-tech sectors. It is important

28、 to note, however, that the high-tech categories contain not only advanced technology but also simpler assembly activities required to build high-tech products like telephones and PCs, an important part of Chinese export

29、 production.</p><p>　　3.Comparative advantage and international competitiveness</p><p>　　The explanation of international competitiveness by economists goes back many years to the theory of comp

30、arative advantage and factor pricing . While Ricardo focused on one production factor and differences in technology (climate), dealt with labour and capital inputs and justified comparative advantage on the basis of unde

31、rlying differences in factor endowments and relative factor prices. This approach has been extended to many products and many factors. In the modern theory of trade under impe</p><p>　　advantages may influen

32、ce patterns of specialisation if some inputs to production</p><p>　　are mobile across borders, as are capital, management and technology in today’s globalised economy.</p><p>　　Comparative advan

33、tage with factor pricing may lie at the heart of the theory</p><p>　　of specialisation and trade, but it is not always closely related to real-world</p><p>　　discussions of competitiveness. Comp

34、arative advantage is a microeconomic</p><p>　　concept, focusing on industry-specific trade, explaining why one country might</p><p>　　export labour-intensive products while another country might

35、 specialise in</p><p>　　capital-intensive ones. By definition, each country has a comparative advantage</p><p>　　in the production of some products – those for which it has a lower relative</

36、p><p>　　(opportunity) cost than its competitors. Comparative advantage has little significance from a macroeconomic perspective. It is not meaningful to say that at any time country A in the aggregate has a com

37、parative advantage over country B.</p><p>　　Factor-based comparative advantage is an equilibrium concept, predicting a</p><p>　　pattern of trade when prices, trade flows and exchange rates are i

38、n equilibrium.</p><p>　　Business decisions, in contrast, often must explicitly consider short-term situations as well as long-term equilibrium outcomes. These will include current economic conditions, exchan

39、ge rates and other factors that may represent deviations from long-run equilibrium, sometimes for fairly long periods of time.</p><p>　　Finally, factor-based comparative advantage does not take explicitly in

40、to account the technological options available to the producers. At the microeconomic level, when dealing with specific products, it is not always clear from theory alone which country has the most favourable mix of reso

41、urces and factor prices for various types of production. Depending on technology and infrastructure, a shortage of labour relative to capital which implies relatively high wage rates may be offset by differenc</p>

42、<p>　　From a micro perspective as well, it is possible to ask whether certain industries</p><p>　　are competitive in world markets. This calls for a comparison of costs in the competing countries, at a

43、 prevailing exchange rate, involving such factors as wages and capital costs, scale of production and, of course, technology. As we have noted in the discussion of comparative advantage, some industries will be more suit

44、ed to an economy’s endowment of factors and skills than others.</p><p>　　But whether an industry’s products compete successfully in world markets also</p><p>　　depends on considerations related

45、to management ability and strategy. Dynamic</p><p>　　improvement in competitiveness meaning that the competitiveness of currently</p><p>　　exporting industries improves or that new products, per

46、haps technologically more</p><p>　　advanced ones, become competitive is possible even when the underlying resources and comparative advantage in production show little change.</p><p>　　The issue

47、 of Chinese trade is today much more an issue of competitiveness than of comparative advantage. Of course, China’s abundant labour supply represents an example of comparative advantage relative to the old industrial coun

48、tries, par excellence. But China has had such a labour resource endowment for generations and we must seek another explanation for China’s current export competitiveness.</p><p>　　4.Measurement of competiven

49、ess</p><p>　　The measurement of international competitiveness may be approached from a ‘results’ or from a ‘causes’ perspective. Results are basically export performance and the trade balance. These are ex p

50、ost concepts and do not ask ‘why’, though there is often an implied explanation. Growth of exports, particularly growth that is more rapid than in other countries, implies competitiveness. A positive trade balance is als

51、o frequently cited as a positive measure of competitiveness. Presumably, competitivene</p><p>　　It is more difficult to establish comparisons of real competitiveness at a point</p><p>　　in time

52、in absolute terms, since they depend on the absolute levels of domestic</p><p>　　input costs (or prices) and on productivity. Can the product be produced more</p><p>　　cheaply in one country tha

53、n in another? The basic ingredients for such a comparison need to be the exchange rate and the underlying costs in the trading:</p><p>　　Countries. There are several possibilities:</p><p>　　Comp

54、arison of wage rates or capital costs,</p><p>　　Comparison of unit labour or unit capital costs</p><p>　　Comparison of unit total costs.</p><p>　　5. Determinants of chineses competi

55、tiveness</p><p>　　We apply the discussion above to measure the determinants of Chinese</p><p>　　competitiveness. It is necessary to look at a variety of measures and to infer how they explain th

56、e competitiveness of Chinese products. As we have noted, at</p><p>　　issue is the role of the exchange rate versus other factors in explaining Chinese</p><p>　　competitiveness.</p><p&

57、gt;　　Revealed Comparative Advantage</p><p>　　The Exchange Rate</p><p>　　Labour Costs</p><p>　　外文題目：Why is China so Competitive? Measuring and Explaining China's Competitiveness&

58、lt;/p><p>　　出 處：World Economy; Feb2006, Vol. 29 Issue 2, p95-122, 28p</p><p>　　作 者：Adams, F. Gerard Gangnes, ByronShachmurove, Yochanan</p><p><b>　　譯 文：</b></p&g

59、t;<p>　　為什么中國(guó)如此具有競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力?測(cè)量和講述中國(guó)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力</p><p><b>　　一、介紹</b></p><p>　　在過去的十年里,中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)出口情況驚人。中國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的問題已經(jīng)從在一個(gè)地區(qū)性的問題范圍擴(kuò)大到向全世界的問題范圍之內(nèi)——“對(duì)其它東亞出口商來說，為什么是中國(guó)具有更強(qiáng)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力?”——“為什么中國(guó)的商品在國(guó)際市場(chǎng)上的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力強(qiáng)?”<

60、;/p><p>　　一些觀察家表示, 在東亞,他們擔(dān)心世界制造業(yè)生產(chǎn)中央集權(quán)的日益加強(qiáng)，特別是中國(guó)的發(fā)展，雙方爭(zhēng)執(zhí)的問題是暗示著制造的就業(yè)、收入在美國(guó),歐洲和日本,在那里大部份是為了中國(guó)的出口有意義的通貨緊縮擔(dān)心中國(guó)便宜的出口商品在世界發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家水平。</p><p>　　在美國(guó),中國(guó)的匯率和它含意的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)成為了一個(gè)政治上的問題,美國(guó)與中國(guó)的貿(mào)易逆差上升超過1000億美元。在東亞,中國(guó)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力,被

61、視為負(fù)責(zé)生產(chǎn)和轉(zhuǎn)移外國(guó)投資增長(zhǎng)，妨礙了該地區(qū)的其他國(guó)家。</p><p>　　目前爭(zhēng)論中國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力使人聯(lián)想到20世紀(jì)80年代美國(guó)擔(dān)心日本競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。但有一些重要的區(qū)別。在80年代,美國(guó)日益擔(dān)心富有的日本經(jīng)濟(jì)崛起, 關(guān)鍵技術(shù)和整體的財(cái)富和聲望已超越美國(guó)成為真正的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者。在當(dāng)前局勢(shì)下,跨國(guó)公司而不是美國(guó)、日本和其他經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)體正將他們自己的生產(chǎn)進(jìn)入中國(guó)或者通過外國(guó)直接投資或外包。在生產(chǎn)和貿(mào)易中，這些問題是要在了解技術(shù)上,而不是在

62、發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家經(jīng)濟(jì)體的影響下繼續(xù)投資流出位移和勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)的相應(yīng)變化,。</p><p>　　我們的工作重點(diǎn)是關(guān)于這種現(xiàn)象是否對(duì)中國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的低估，主要是匯率低估。另外,中國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力反映了新中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的根本性變革的生產(chǎn)能力嗎?</p><p>　　本文考慮中國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力定義和測(cè)量。在接下來的部分中,我們看中國(guó)成功捕捉世界出口市場(chǎng)。我們?cè)儆靡粋€(gè)概念討論競(jìng)爭(zhēng),實(shí)用挑戰(zhàn)參與其測(cè)量。在下一個(gè)部分看中國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的指標(biāo)。

63、從評(píng)估的研究結(jié)果,總結(jié)了部分得出了一些初步的結(jié)論。</p><p><b>　　二、中國(guó)出口性能</b></p><p>　　我們先看中國(guó)是否是成功地進(jìn)入了國(guó)際市場(chǎng)。近年來,中國(guó)出口的記錄是相當(dāng)壯觀的。中國(guó)出口擴(kuò)大得非?？?從1990年,超過世界貿(mào)易增長(zhǎng)速度的兩倍。其他東亞國(guó)家也展示了快速的出口增長(zhǎng)，但由于大量貨幣貶值,近年來落后中國(guó)許多。近年來中國(guó)出口增長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)快于其他

64、東亞國(guó)家的出口。</p><p>　　另一個(gè)可選的方法：評(píng)估出口的發(fā)展是把他們看成是占世界貿(mào)易份額的縮影。結(jié)果是明顯的：在2003年中國(guó)(包括香港)顯示穩(wěn)步增加，出口總量占世界8.9%，其他東亞國(guó)家展示直至1995年他們的世界貿(mào)易是穩(wěn)定增長(zhǎng)的,后來開始穩(wěn)定或略股票下降。日本顯示直到1990年為了東亞的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，失去了越來越多的市場(chǎng)份額,。</p><p>　　美國(guó)顯示市場(chǎng)份額顯著下降(除了19

65、95-2000年以外),而且,相對(duì)1970年而言,在世界出口市場(chǎng)中起到相當(dāng)小的作用。中國(guó)和其他東亞國(guó)家的出口商品的結(jié)構(gòu)能為中國(guó)在世界經(jīng)濟(jì)正在改變的角色提供一些深入的了解。出口商品結(jié)構(gòu)體現(xiàn)了傳統(tǒng)發(fā)展階梯式方法，從最低收入國(guó)家的原料、食品等行業(yè)開始，然后在上猛烈增加，最后轉(zhuǎn)向高科技產(chǎn)品和資本貨物作為經(jīng)濟(jì)生產(chǎn)力的成熟階段。在東亞國(guó)家中，中國(guó)是該區(qū)域的主要出口國(guó)。(中國(guó)獨(dú)占該區(qū)域出口的三分之一，如果中國(guó)和香港聯(lián)合則超過一半。)中國(guó)大批量生產(chǎn)的加

66、工產(chǎn)品的出口仍在迅速增長(zhǎng)：每年6.9%的速度與世界市場(chǎng)的發(fā)展一致，超過了其他東亞國(guó)家。高技術(shù)產(chǎn)品的出口以每年15%的速度增長(zhǎng)，占2001年東亞高科技產(chǎn)品出口43%（中國(guó)和香港）的份額，即使中國(guó)還沒有像韓國(guó)和新加坡那樣技術(shù)先進(jìn)。這些模式自2001年以來一直持續(xù)。</p><p>　　更詳細(xì)的內(nèi)容是從“兩位”的國(guó)際貿(mào)易標(biāo)準(zhǔn)分類的水平上選擇被稱為高科技和低技術(shù)含量的領(lǐng)域獲得的。從中國(guó)出口的高新技術(shù)產(chǎn)品，如辦公設(shè)備、電信

67、、電器機(jī)械及配件，比傳統(tǒng)的中國(guó)出口產(chǎn)品，如服裝和鞋類制品增長(zhǎng)更快，雖然后者堅(jiān)持注重?cái)?shù)量。香港和韓國(guó)也表現(xiàn)出電信業(yè)非常迅速的增長(zhǎng)，馬來西亞和新加坡自動(dòng)數(shù)據(jù)處理技術(shù)迅速發(fā)展。在中國(guó)日益增長(zhǎng)的高科技種類包括不成比例份額的裝配和相對(duì)簡(jiǎn)易的產(chǎn)品，如電腦、手機(jī)及配件，而不是非常精細(xì)的復(fù)雜資本貨物和芯片。其中的一些出口產(chǎn)品代表了來自鄰國(guó)的生產(chǎn)轉(zhuǎn)移，特別是臺(tái)灣和韓國(guó)等成本一直在上升的國(guó)家。傳統(tǒng)行業(yè)的增長(zhǎng)通常是更適度的，盡管中國(guó)表現(xiàn)出服裝業(yè)的快速發(fā)展。&

68、lt;/p><p>　　質(zhì)量的提升增強(qiáng)了中國(guó)產(chǎn)品的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力，這無法作統(tǒng)計(jì)測(cè)量。但是，產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)的變化確實(shí)暗示了發(fā)展。綜上所述，相較于其他東亞國(guó)家，中國(guó)已經(jīng)成為主導(dǎo)的出口國(guó)并日益轉(zhuǎn)換成更高的科技領(lǐng)域。不過需要注意的是，高科技不僅包含先進(jìn)技術(shù)，也包括建立高科技產(chǎn)品簡(jiǎn)單裝配經(jīng)營(yíng)，如電話和個(gè)人計(jì)算機(jī)，是中國(guó)出口產(chǎn)品的重要組成部分。</p><p>　　三、比較優(yōu)勢(shì)、國(guó)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力</p><

69、;p>　　經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家對(duì)國(guó)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的解釋可以追溯到許多年前對(duì)比較優(yōu)勢(shì)理論和要素價(jià)格理論。然而，李嘉圖致力于一個(gè)生產(chǎn)要素和技術(shù)（環(huán)境）的差別，根據(jù)要素斌副和相關(guān)要素價(jià)格潛在的差別處理勞動(dòng)力和資本輸入并調(diào)整比較優(yōu)勢(shì)。這種方法被延伸到許多產(chǎn)品和要素。在不完全競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的現(xiàn)代貿(mào)易理論框架下，雖然規(guī)模經(jīng)濟(jì)和戰(zhàn)略的動(dòng)機(jī)非常重要，基于要素的比較優(yōu)勢(shì)在解釋貿(mào)易模式時(shí)仍然發(fā)揮著關(guān)鍵作用。Ronald Jones (2000)也指出如果生產(chǎn)輸入是跨國(guó)流動(dòng)，如當(dāng)

70、今全球化經(jīng)濟(jì)中的資金、管理和技術(shù)，絕對(duì)優(yōu)勢(shì)可能改變專業(yè)化模式。</p><p>　　采用要素定價(jià)的比較優(yōu)勢(shì)可能出于專業(yè)和貿(mào)易理論的核心，但也并非總和現(xiàn)實(shí)世界中競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的討論密切相關(guān)。比較優(yōu)勢(shì)是一個(gè)微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)概念，專注于特定行業(yè)的貿(mào)易，解釋為什么一個(gè)國(guó)家出口勞動(dòng)密集型產(chǎn)品而另一個(gè)國(guó)家專門從事與資本密集型產(chǎn)品。根據(jù)定義，每個(gè)國(guó)家在生產(chǎn)某些產(chǎn)品時(shí)都有一個(gè)比較優(yōu)勢(shì)，那些產(chǎn)品都擁有比它的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)者較低的相對(duì)（機(jī)會(huì)）成本。從微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)

71、學(xué)視角，比較優(yōu)勢(shì)意義較小，如在任何時(shí)候A國(guó)總體上比B國(guó)有比較優(yōu)勢(shì)，這種說法是沒有意義的。</p><p>　　基于要素的比較優(yōu)勢(shì)是一個(gè)均衡概念，在價(jià)格、貿(mào)易流量和匯率均衡時(shí)預(yù)測(cè)一種貿(mào)易模式。相反，經(jīng)營(yíng)決策必須明確考慮短期情況和長(zhǎng)期均衡結(jié)果。這些包括當(dāng)前的經(jīng)濟(jì)形勢(shì)、匯率和可能代表來自長(zhǎng)期均衡（有時(shí)是相當(dāng)長(zhǎng)一段時(shí)間）的差異的其他要素。最后，基于要素的比較優(yōu)勢(shì)并不需要明確考慮提供給生產(chǎn)商的技術(shù)選擇。在微觀層面上，當(dāng)處理

72、特定產(chǎn)品時(shí)，理論并非總能解釋哪個(gè)國(guó)家擁有各種產(chǎn)品最有利的資源組合和要素價(jià)格。依靠技術(shù)和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施，相對(duì)于資本的勞動(dòng)力的短缺意味著相對(duì)較高的工資水平可能被技術(shù)差異抵消。如果替代的技術(shù)利用更少的勞動(dòng)力和更多的資本，高工資可能或不可能轉(zhuǎn)化為勞動(dòng)力密集型產(chǎn)品的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)劣勢(shì)。例如，許多產(chǎn)品在中國(guó)用手工生產(chǎn)，而在美國(guó)用機(jī)器生產(chǎn)。</p><p>　　從微觀角度說，可以提出某個(gè)行業(yè)是否在國(guó)際市場(chǎng)中具有競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的疑問。這需要競(jìng)爭(zhēng)國(guó)在現(xiàn)行

73、匯率中存在比較成本，包括工資、資金成本、生產(chǎn)規(guī)模和技術(shù)等要素。正如我們?cè)谟懻摫容^優(yōu)勢(shì)時(shí)注意到的，某些行業(yè)比其他行業(yè)更適合一種經(jīng)濟(jì)的要素稟賦和技能。但一個(gè)行業(yè)的產(chǎn)品在世界市場(chǎng)中是否能競(jìng)爭(zhēng)成功還取決于有關(guān)管理能力和策略的考慮。競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的動(dòng)態(tài)提升意味著當(dāng)前的出口行業(yè)和新產(chǎn)品的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的提升，可能更先進(jìn)的技術(shù)更有競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力，即使產(chǎn)品的潛在資源和比較優(yōu)勢(shì)只有微小的變化。當(dāng)今中國(guó)對(duì)外貿(mào)易更多地考慮競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力而不是比較優(yōu)勢(shì)。當(dāng)然，中國(guó)豐富的勞動(dòng)力供給相對(duì)于老工業(yè)

74、國(guó)是比較優(yōu)勢(shì)一個(gè)突出的例子，但中國(guó)擁有這樣世代的勞動(dòng)力資源稟賦，我們必須對(duì)于中國(guó)目前的出口競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力尋求另一種解釋。</p><p><b>　　四、競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的測(cè)量</b></p><p>　　國(guó)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的衡量是從“結(jié)果”或“原因”角度著手的。結(jié)果主要是出口實(shí)績(jī)和貿(mào)易收支情況，這些雖然也常帶有一種隱含的解釋，但都是“事后”的概念，不需要問為什么。出口的增長(zhǎng)，特別是比其他國(guó)家

75、更快的增長(zhǎng)就暗示了競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。貿(mào)易收支順差也經(jīng)常采用一種競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的積極措施。據(jù)假設(shè)，競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力反映了相對(duì)成本，但它可能也受到產(chǎn)品屬性和貿(mào)易限制的影響，這可能帶來干擾。擁有控制世界市場(chǎng)的能力未必意味著更高的生活水平。在絕對(duì)條件下在某一點(diǎn)上及時(shí)建立實(shí)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的比較更加困難，因?yàn)樗鼈円罁?jù)的是動(dòng)態(tài)投入成本（價(jià)格）的絕對(duì)水平和生產(chǎn)力。一個(gè)國(guó)家能否生產(chǎn)比其他國(guó)家更便宜的產(chǎn)品？這種比較的基礎(chǔ)是貿(mào)易國(guó)家的匯率和潛在的成本。這有幾種可能性：</p>

76、<p>　　（1）工資水平或資金成本的比較</p><p>　?。?）單位勞動(dòng)力或單位資金成本的比較</p><p>　?。?）單位總成本的比較</p><p>　　五、中國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的決定因素</p><p>　　我們運(yùn)用上述討論來衡量中國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的決定因素。這需要考慮各種方法并推斷它們?nèi)绾谓忉屩袊?guó)產(chǎn)品的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。正如我們所指出的，在解釋