外文翻譯---為什么中國如此具有競爭力？測量和講述中國的競爭力

1、<p>　　外文題目：Why is China so Competitive? Measuring and Explaining China's Competitiveness</p><p>　　出 處：World Economy; Feb2006, Vol. 29 Issue 2, p95-122, 28p</p><p>　　作 者：Adams, F.

2、Gerard Gangnes, ByronShachmurove, Yochanan</p><p>　　1. Introduction</p><p>　　In the past decade, the export performance of the Chinese economy has been</p><p>　　phenomenal. The issu

3、e of Chinese competitiveness has expanded in scope</p><p>　　from a regional question – ‘Why is China so competitive with respect to other</p><p>　　East Asian exporters?’ – to a worldwide questio

4、n – ‘Why are Chinese goods so competitive in the world market?’</p><p>　　Some observers have expressed concern about the growing centralisation of the world’s manufacturing production in East Asia, and parti

5、cularly in China. At issue are the implications for manufacturing employment and wages in the United States, Europe and Japan, where a large fraction of Chinese exports is directed.There has also been worry about the def

6、lationary implications of cheap Chinese exports on the advanced countries.</p><p>　　In the United States, China’s exchange rate and its implications for competition have become a political issue as the US tr

7、ade deficit with China has risen above $100 billion. In East Asia, China’s competitiveness is being seen as responsible for shifts in production and foreign investment that have impeded growth in other countries in the r

8、egion.</p><p>　　The present debate over Chinese competitiveness is reminiscent of 1980s worries about the American competitive losses to Japan. Yet, there are some important differences. In the 1980s, Americ

9、an concerns were of an increasingly wealthy Japanese economy that appeared poised to overtake the US as a leader in key technologies and in overall wealth and prestige. In the current situation, it is instead the multina

10、tional corporations of the United States,Japan and other economies who are shifting their</p><p>　　Our primary concern will be about whether the phenomenon of Chinese competitiveness is primarily one of exch

11、ange rate undervaluation – that can presumably be remedied by appreciation of the Chinese exchange rate. Or, alternatively, does Chinese competitiveness reflect more fundamental changes in the production possibilities of

12、 a ‘new’ Chinese economy?</p><p>　　This paper considers China’s competitiveness, its definition and measurement.</p><p>　　In the next section we look at China’s success in capturing world export

13、 markets.</p><p>　　We then turn to a conceptual discussion of competitiveness and the practical</p><p>　　challenges involved in its measurement. Following sections look at empirical</p>&

14、lt;p>　　indicators of Chinese competitiveness. An evaluation section summarises findings and draws some tentative conclusions.</p><p>　　2. Chinese export performance</p><p>　　We begin by askin

15、g whether China has indeed been successful in its pursuit of</p><p>　　international markets. In recent years, the record of Chinese exports has been</p><p>　　spectacular, though cyclical. Chines

16、e exports have expanded very rapidly, since</p><p>　　1990 at more than twice the rate of growth of world trade. Other East Asian countries have also shown rapid export growth but, espite substantial devaluat

17、ions, in recent years many have lagged behind China.As is clearly apparent in Figure 1, in recent years Chinese exports have grown much more rapidly than otherEast Asian countries’ exports, by 34.5 percent in 2003 and, a

18、pparently, at a similar rate in the first half of 2004.</p><p>　　An alternative way to evaluate the development of exports is to see them as a share of world trade. The results are striking. China (including

19、 Hong Kong) has shown a steadily increasing share of world exports to 8.9 per cent in 2003. Other East Asian countries show steady increases in their shares of world trade until 1995 and stable or slightly declining shar

20、es thereafter. Japan shows a growing market share until 1990, but loses share thereafter, presumably to East Asian competition. </p><p>　　The United States shows substantial declines in market share (except

21、in 1995–2000), and, in relative terms, now plays a considerably smaller role in world export markets than in 1970. The composition of the exports of China and other East Asian countries provides some insight into the ch

22、anging role of China in the world economy. Export composition reflects the traditional development ladder approach, starting with raw materials and foodstuffs in the lowest income countries, then increasing stro</p>

23、;<p>　　A more detailed look is obtained by selecting sectors that can be called hightech</p><p>　　and low-tech at the ‘two-digit’ SITC level. High-tech exports from China like office machines, telecom

24、, electrical machinery and parts have been growing much more rapidly than traditional Chinese export products like clothing and footwear, though the latter remain quantitatively important. Hong Kong and Korea also show v

25、ery rapid growth for telecom and Malaysia and Singapore for ADP. The growing high-tech categories in China include a disproportionate share of assembly and of relatively simple p</p><p>　　It is not possible

26、statistically to measure the qualitative improvements that have increased the competitiveness of Chinese products. But, changes in the range of products being produced are suggestive of the developments that are taking p

27、lace.</p><p>　　To summarise, in comparison with other East Asian countries, China has become</p><p>　　the dominant exporter and is increasingly shifting into higher-tech sectors. It is important

28、 to note, however, that the high-tech categories contain not only advanced technology but also simpler assembly activities required to build high-tech products like telephones and PCs, an important part of Chinese export

29、 production.</p><p>　　3.Comparative advantage and international competitiveness</p><p>　　The explanation of international competitiveness by economists goes back many years to the theory of comp

30、arative advantage and factor pricing . While Ricardo focused on one production factor and differences in technology (climate), dealt with labour and capital inputs and justified comparative advantage on the basis of unde

31、rlying differences in factor endowments and relative factor prices. This approach has been extended to many products and many factors. In the modern theory of trade under impe</p><p>　　advantages may influen

32、ce patterns of specialisation if some inputs to production</p><p>　　are mobile across borders, as are capital, management and technology in today’s globalised economy.</p><p>　　Comparative advan

33、tage with factor pricing may lie at the heart of the theory</p><p>　　of specialisation and trade, but it is not always closely related to real-world</p><p>　　discussions of competitiveness. Comp

34、arative advantage is a microeconomic</p><p>　　concept, focusing on industry-specific trade, explaining why one country might</p><p>　　export labour-intensive products while another country might

35、 specialise in</p><p>　　capital-intensive ones. By definition, each country has a comparative advantage</p><p>　　in the production of some products – those for which it has a lower relative</

36、p><p>　　(opportunity) cost than its competitors. Comparative advantage has little significance from a macroeconomic perspective. It is not meaningful to say that at any time country A in the aggregate has a com

37、parative advantage over country B.</p><p>　　Factor-based comparative advantage is an equilibrium concept, predicting a</p><p>　　pattern of trade when prices, trade flows and exchange rates are i

38、n equilibrium.</p><p>　　Business decisions, in contrast, often must explicitly consider short-term situations as well as long-term equilibrium outcomes. These will include current economic conditions, exchan

39、ge rates and other factors that may represent deviations from long-run equilibrium, sometimes for fairly long periods of time.</p><p>　　Finally, factor-based comparative advantage does not take explicitly in

40、to account the technological options available to the producers. At the microeconomic level, when dealing with specific products, it is not always clear from theory alone which country has the most favourable mix of reso

41、urces and factor prices for various types of production. Depending on technology and infrastructure, a shortage of labour relative to capital which implies relatively high wage rates may be offset by differenc</p>

42、<p>　　From a micro perspective as well, it is possible to ask whether certain industries</p><p>　　are competitive in world markets. This calls for a comparison of costs in the competing countries, at a

43、 prevailing exchange rate, involving such factors as wages and capital costs, scale of production and, of course, technology. As we have noted in the discussion of comparative advantage, some industries will be more suit

44、ed to an economy’s endowment of factors and skills than others.</p><p>　　But whether an industry’s products compete successfully in world markets also</p><p>　　depends on considerations related

45、to management ability and strategy. Dynamic</p><p>　　improvement in competitiveness meaning that the competitiveness of currently</p><p>　　exporting industries improves or that new products, per

46、haps technologically more</p><p>　　advanced ones, become competitive is possible even when the underlying resources and comparative advantage in production show little change.</p><p>　　The issue

47、 of Chinese trade is today much more an issue of competitiveness than of comparative advantage. Of course, China’s abundant labour supply represents an example of comparative advantage relative to the old industrial coun

48、tries, par excellence. But China has had such a labour resource endowment for generations and we must seek another explanation for China’s current export competitiveness.</p><p>　　4.Measurement of competiven

49、ess</p><p>　　The measurement of international competitiveness may be approached from a ‘results’ or from a ‘causes’ perspective. Results are basically export performance and the trade balance. These are ex p

50、ost concepts and do not ask ‘why’, though there is often an implied explanation. Growth of exports, particularly growth that is more rapid than in other countries, implies competitiveness. A positive trade balance is als

51、o frequently cited as a positive measure of competitiveness. Presumably, competitivene</p><p>　　It is more difficult to establish comparisons of real competitiveness at a point</p><p>　　in time

52、in absolute terms, since they depend on the absolute levels of domestic</p><p>　　input costs (or prices) and on productivity. Can the product be produced more</p><p>　　cheaply in one country tha

53、n in another? The basic ingredients for such a comparison need to be the exchange rate and the underlying costs in the trading:</p><p>　　Countries. There are several possibilities:</p><p>　　Comp

54、arison of wage rates or capital costs,</p><p>　　Comparison of unit labour or unit capital costs</p><p>　　Comparison of unit total costs.</p><p>　　5. Determinants of chineses competi

55、tiveness</p><p>　　We apply the discussion above to measure the determinants of Chinese</p><p>　　competitiveness. It is necessary to look at a variety of measures and to infer how they explain th

56、e competitiveness of Chinese products. As we have noted, at</p><p>　　issue is the role of the exchange rate versus other factors in explaining Chinese</p><p>　　competitiveness.</p><p&

57、gt;　　Revealed Comparative Advantage</p><p>　　The Exchange Rate</p><p>　　Labour Costs</p><p>　　外文題目：Why is China so Competitive? Measuring and Explaining China's Competitiveness&

58、lt;/p><p>　　出 處：World Economy; Feb2006, Vol. 29 Issue 2, p95-122, 28p</p><p>　　作 者：Adams, F. Gerard Gangnes, ByronShachmurove, Yochanan</p><p><b>　　譯 文：</b></p&g

59、t;<p>　　為什么中國如此具有競爭力?測量和講述中國的競爭力</p><p><b>　　一、介紹</b></p><p>　　在過去的十年里,中國經濟出口情況驚人。中國競爭力的問題已經從在一個地區(qū)性的問題范圍擴大到向全世界的問題范圍之內——“對其它東亞出口商來說，為什么是中國具有更強的競爭力?”——“為什么中國的商品在國際市場上的競爭力強?”<

60、;/p><p>　　一些觀察家表示, 在東亞,他們擔心世界制造業(yè)生產中央集權的日益加強，特別是中國的發(fā)展，雙方爭執(zhí)的問題是暗示著制造的就業(yè)、收入在美國,歐洲和日本,在那里大部份是為了中國的出口有意義的通貨緊縮擔心中國便宜的出口商品在世界發(fā)達國家水平。</p><p>　　在美國,中國的匯率和它含意的競爭成為了一個政治上的問題,美國與中國的貿易逆差上升超過1000億美元。在東亞,中國的競爭力,被

61、視為負責生產和轉移外國投資增長，妨礙了該地區(qū)的其他國家。</p><p>　　目前爭論中國競爭力使人聯(lián)想到20世紀80年代美國擔心日本競爭。但有一些重要的區(qū)別。在80年代,美國日益擔心富有的日本經濟崛起, 關鍵技術和整體的財富和聲望已超越美國成為真正的領導者。在當前局勢下,跨國公司而不是美國、日本和其他經濟實體正將他們自己的生產進入中國或者通過外國直接投資或外包。在生產和貿易中，這些問題是要在了解技術上,而不是在

62、發(fā)達國家經濟體的影響下繼續(xù)投資流出位移和勞動力市場的相應變化,。</p><p>　　我們的工作重點是關于這種現(xiàn)象是否對中國競爭力的低估，主要是匯率低估。另外,中國競爭力反映了新中國經濟的根本性變革的生產能力嗎?</p><p>　　本文考慮中國競爭力定義和測量。在接下來的部分中,我們看中國成功捕捉世界出口市場。我們再用一個概念討論競爭,實用挑戰(zhàn)參與其測量。在下一個部分看中國競爭力的指標。

63、從評估的研究結果,總結了部分得出了一些初步的結論。</p><p><b>　　二、中國出口性能</b></p><p>　　我們先看中國是否是成功地進入了國際市場。近年來,中國出口的記錄是相當壯觀的。中國出口擴大得非?？?從1990年,超過世界貿易增長速度的兩倍。其他東亞國家也展示了快速的出口增長，但由于大量貨幣貶值,近年來落后中國許多。近年來中國出口增長遠快于其他

64、東亞國家的出口。</p><p>　　另一個可選的方法：評估出口的發(fā)展是把他們看成是占世界貿易份額的縮影。結果是明顯的：在2003年中國(包括香港)顯示穩(wěn)步增加，出口總量占世界8.9%，其他東亞國家展示直至1995年他們的世界貿易是穩(wěn)定增長的,后來開始穩(wěn)定或略股票下降。日本顯示直到1990年為了東亞的競爭，失去了越來越多的市場份額,。</p><p>　　美國顯示市場份額顯著下降(除了19

65、95-2000年以外),而且,相對1970年而言,在世界出口市場中起到相當小的作用。中國和其他東亞國家的出口商品的結構能為中國在世界經濟正在改變的角色提供一些深入的了解。出口商品結構體現(xiàn)了傳統(tǒng)發(fā)展階梯式方法，從最低收入國家的原料、食品等行業(yè)開始，然后在上猛烈增加，最后轉向高科技產品和資本貨物作為經濟生產力的成熟階段。在東亞國家中，中國是該區(qū)域的主要出口國。(中國獨占該區(qū)域出口的三分之一，如果中國和香港聯(lián)合則超過一半。)中國大批量生產的加

66、工產品的出口仍在迅速增長：每年6.9%的速度與世界市場的發(fā)展一致，超過了其他東亞國家。高技術產品的出口以每年15%的速度增長，占2001年東亞高科技產品出口43%（中國和香港）的份額，即使中國還沒有像韓國和新加坡那樣技術先進。這些模式自2001年以來一直持續(xù)。</p><p>　　更詳細的內容是從“兩位”的國際貿易標準分類的水平上選擇被稱為高科技和低技術含量的領域獲得的。從中國出口的高新技術產品，如辦公設備、電信

67、、電器機械及配件，比傳統(tǒng)的中國出口產品，如服裝和鞋類制品增長更快，雖然后者堅持注重數(shù)量。香港和韓國也表現(xiàn)出電信業(yè)非常迅速的增長，馬來西亞和新加坡自動數(shù)據處理技術迅速發(fā)展。在中國日益增長的高科技種類包括不成比例份額的裝配和相對簡易的產品，如電腦、手機及配件，而不是非常精細的復雜資本貨物和芯片。其中的一些出口產品代表了來自鄰國的生產轉移，特別是臺灣和韓國等成本一直在上升的國家。傳統(tǒng)行業(yè)的增長通常是更適度的，盡管中國表現(xiàn)出服裝業(yè)的快速發(fā)展。&

68、lt;/p><p>　　質量的提升增強了中國產品的競爭力，這無法作統(tǒng)計測量。但是，產品生產的變化確實暗示了發(fā)展。綜上所述，相較于其他東亞國家，中國已經成為主導的出口國并日益轉換成更高的科技領域。不過需要注意的是，高科技不僅包含先進技術，也包括建立高科技產品簡單裝配經營，如電話和個人計算機，是中國出口產品的重要組成部分。</p><p>　　三、比較優(yōu)勢、國際競爭力</p><

69、;p>　　經濟學家對國際競爭力的解釋可以追溯到許多年前對比較優(yōu)勢理論和要素價格理論。然而，李嘉圖致力于一個生產要素和技術（環(huán)境）的差別，根據要素斌副和相關要素價格潛在的差別處理勞動力和資本輸入并調整比較優(yōu)勢。這種方法被延伸到許多產品和要素。在不完全競爭的現(xiàn)代貿易理論框架下，雖然規(guī)模經濟和戰(zhàn)略的動機非常重要，基于要素的比較優(yōu)勢在解釋貿易模式時仍然發(fā)揮著關鍵作用。Ronald Jones (2000)也指出如果生產輸入是跨國流動，如當

70、今全球化經濟中的資金、管理和技術，絕對優(yōu)勢可能改變專業(yè)化模式。</p><p>　　采用要素定價的比較優(yōu)勢可能出于專業(yè)和貿易理論的核心，但也并非總和現(xiàn)實世界中競爭力的討論密切相關。比較優(yōu)勢是一個微觀經濟概念，專注于特定行業(yè)的貿易，解釋為什么一個國家出口勞動密集型產品而另一個國家專門從事與資本密集型產品。根據定義，每個國家在生產某些產品時都有一個比較優(yōu)勢，那些產品都擁有比它的競爭者較低的相對（機會）成本。從微觀經濟

71、學視角，比較優(yōu)勢意義較小，如在任何時候A國總體上比B國有比較優(yōu)勢，這種說法是沒有意義的。</p><p>　　基于要素的比較優(yōu)勢是一個均衡概念，在價格、貿易流量和匯率均衡時預測一種貿易模式。相反，經營決策必須明確考慮短期情況和長期均衡結果。這些包括當前的經濟形勢、匯率和可能代表來自長期均衡（有時是相當長一段時間）的差異的其他要素。最后，基于要素的比較優(yōu)勢并不需要明確考慮提供給生產商的技術選擇。在微觀層面上，當處理

72、特定產品時，理論并非總能解釋哪個國家擁有各種產品最有利的資源組合和要素價格。依靠技術和基礎設施，相對于資本的勞動力的短缺意味著相對較高的工資水平可能被技術差異抵消。如果替代的技術利用更少的勞動力和更多的資本，高工資可能或不可能轉化為勞動力密集型產品的競爭劣勢。例如，許多產品在中國用手工生產，而在美國用機器生產。</p><p>　　從微觀角度說，可以提出某個行業(yè)是否在國際市場中具有競爭力的疑問。這需要競爭國在現(xiàn)行

73、匯率中存在比較成本，包括工資、資金成本、生產規(guī)模和技術等要素。正如我們在討論比較優(yōu)勢時注意到的，某些行業(yè)比其他行業(yè)更適合一種經濟的要素稟賦和技能。但一個行業(yè)的產品在世界市場中是否能競爭成功還取決于有關管理能力和策略的考慮。競爭力的動態(tài)提升意味著當前的出口行業(yè)和新產品的競爭力的提升，可能更先進的技術更有競爭力，即使產品的潛在資源和比較優(yōu)勢只有微小的變化。當今中國對外貿易更多地考慮競爭力而不是比較優(yōu)勢。當然，中國豐富的勞動力供給相對于老工業(yè)

74、國是比較優(yōu)勢一個突出的例子，但中國擁有這樣世代的勞動力資源稟賦，我們必須對于中國目前的出口競爭力尋求另一種解釋。</p><p><b>　　四、競爭力的測量</b></p><p>　　國際競爭力的衡量是從“結果”或“原因”角度著手的。結果主要是出口實績和貿易收支情況，這些雖然也常帶有一種隱含的解釋，但都是“事后”的概念，不需要問為什么。出口的增長，特別是比其他國家

75、更快的增長就暗示了競爭力。貿易收支順差也經常采用一種競爭力的積極措施。據假設，競爭力反映了相對成本，但它可能也受到產品屬性和貿易限制的影響，這可能帶來干擾。擁有控制世界市場的能力未必意味著更高的生活水平。在絕對條件下在某一點上及時建立實際競爭力的比較更加困難，因為它們依據的是動態(tài)投入成本（價格）的絕對水平和生產力。一個國家能否生產比其他國家更便宜的產品？這種比較的基礎是貿易國家的匯率和潛在的成本。這有幾種可能性：</p>

76、<p>　?。?）工資水平或資金成本的比較</p><p>　?。?）單位勞動力或單位資金成本的比較</p><p>　?。?）單位總成本的比較</p><p>　　五、中國競爭力的決定因素</p><p>　　我們運用上述討論來衡量中國競爭力的決定因素。這需要考慮各種方法并推斷它們如何解釋中國產品的競爭力。正如我們所指出的，在解釋