金融專業(yè)畢業(yè)論文外文翻譯--技術(shù)貿(mào)易壁壘對中國的關(guān)系

1、<p><b>　　外文翻譯一：</b></p><p>　　Technical trade barriers could sour China ties</p><p>　　Contenmporary Economic Research 2004,(05)</p><p><b>　　WUZhen</b>&l

2、t;/p><p>　　With the international society for environmental protection of the people environmental protection consciousness wide attention and the unceasing enhancement, the west</p><p>　　Many coun

3、tries use the party, in this era of international trade transactions of a new kind of non-tariff measures - green trade barriers, to limit the other countries to get their products into the best interests of foreign trad

4、e. The green trade barriers is a double-edged sword, for China's economy and the development of environmental protection industry, challenging has opportunity. Therefore, our country should be in opposition to high l

5、evels of environmental standards, at the same time, and</p><p>　　Chinese ties</p><p>　　China announced a trade surplus of US$26.9bn for June, a record not just in China, but worldwide. Exports g

6、rew by 27.1% year on year, to US$103.3bn, while，import growth fell to 14.2%. The lood of Chinese goods on world markets is credited with having suppressed inflationary pressures in the global economy. At the local level,

7、 however, governments have come under strengthening pressure from domestic business sectors to halt the flow of goods that erode their profit margins and, in extreme cases, </p><p>　　Alternatives such as per

8、suading China to adopt self-imposed export restraints or higher export taxes are unlikely to prosper. This is partly because the government in Beijing has shown itself capable of resisting international moral suasion. Bu

9、t it is also because the central government is not always able to implement coherent policy that achieves specific aims without causing problems elsewhere.For instance, the announcement last monththat export-tax rebates

10、would be reduced on arange ofproduct</p><p>　　barriers influence</p><p>　　The only option remaining to governments seeking to slow the tide of imports is using non-tariff barriers such as techni

11、cal and safety standards. Like tariffs and quotas, these are regulated by the WTO, but the rules allow national governments much greater leeway in their use, as long as they match the standards applied to domestic produc

12、ers and are applied equally in all foreign countries.As a result, the number of objections to Chinese imports on safety, phytosanitary or technical grounds is l</p><p>　　As China’s economic and geopolitical

13、emergence proceeds, there will also be growing popular pressure on politicians to defend national interests. If the recent growth phase in the world’s leading economies moderates sharply or is reversed, pressure to prot

14、ect domestic jobs will also intensify. In both circumstances, barriers to trade will offer politicians a convenient weapon.The protectionists will find their argument strengthened by China’s own record on quality and hea

15、lth standards; shortcom</p><p>　　Dodgy solution</p><p>　　As the latest trade figures show, attempts to slow the Chinese juggernaut—imposed both from within and without—have had little impact, an

16、d the same is likely to be true of non-tariff barriers. These may act to slow imports at the margins, but growth in China’s low-cost manufacturing base and the slow pace of revaluation of the currency mean that the flood

17、 of Chinese goods onto world </p><p>　　markets is unlikely to be stemmed. However, rising antagonism in dealings between the major economies and China over trade has implications in other areas. The tenor of

18、 relations between China and the leading powers it appears destined to join will help to define the character of the new global power structure.</p><p>　　A China that feels victimised, resented and misrepres

19、ented will be more defensive and less likely to engage in global affairs in a cooperative way. Elsewhere, satisfying domestic lobbies threatened by China’s rise could encourage protectionist leanings more broadly, helpin

20、g to sour the global trade negotiating process and denying the global economy the benefits of freer trade. Neither is China defenceless against an onslaught of technical barriers to trade; China has a long history of imp

21、osing r</p><p>　　phytosanitary and safety sanctions on countries that seek to obstruct its trade. When, in 2005,South Korea cited health concerns to ban the sale of Chinese Kimchi, a traditional Korean dish

22、imbued with semi-magical properties, China retaliated by threatening imports of cars and mobile phones from Korea. Japan and the US have also been subject to a number of such measures.</p><p><b>　　外文文

23、獻一譯文</b></p><p>　　技術(shù)貿(mào)易壁壘對中國的關(guān)系</p><p>　　來源：當代經(jīng)濟研究 </p><p><b>　　作者： 武振</b></p><p>　　時間：2004，（05）</p><p>　　隨著國際社會對環(huán)境保護的廣泛關(guān)注和人們環(huán)保意識的不斷增強，

24、西方不少國家利用這一時代要求，在國際貿(mào)易交易中實行了一種新的非關(guān)稅壁壘措施—綠色貿(mào)易壁壘,來限制其他國家產(chǎn)品的進入以獲取本國對外貿(mào)易的最大利益。綠色貿(mào)易壁壘是一把雙刃劍，對我國的經(jīng)濟和環(huán)保產(chǎn)業(yè)的發(fā)展，有挑戰(zhàn)性也有機遇。為此，我國應(yīng)在反對高水準的環(huán)境標準的同時，又要適應(yīng)國際環(huán)保的大趨勢，采取切實可行的措施促進我國對外貿(mào)易的可持續(xù)發(fā)展。 </p><p><b>　　中國的狀況</b></

25、p><p>　　今年的6，中國宣布貿(mào)易盈余達26.9億美元，這個記錄不僅只在中國，而且是在全世界范圍內(nèi)。出口增長了27.1%，達到103.3yi億美元，但是進口下降了14.2%。在這樣的洪流中，中國商品在全球經(jīng)濟中有抑制通貨膨脹的壓力的。然而，政府國內(nèi)的企業(yè)部門加強壓力阻止，削弱了他們的利潤。但是，政府也害怕他們的反應(yīng)。作為WTO中的一員，中國的保護是從最直接的方法來限制貿(mào)易流量：進口關(guān)稅及貿(mào)易配額。</p&g

26、t;<p>　　替代品比如說服中國采取自我強加的出口限制或提高出口稅是不可能的，這部分因為北京政府已表明他有能力抵御國際道德。但是，這也是因為中央振幅并不總是能夠?qū)嵤﹨f(xié)調(diào)一致策，而不會引起其他地方問題的具體目標。例如，上月宣布的出口退稅將在7月10日開始對各種產(chǎn)品減少可能是對鼓勵出口商在6月的時候要多出口。對某些產(chǎn)品實行的分類調(diào)整使生產(chǎn)廠家將他們的產(chǎn)品放在一個新的或無限制的分類產(chǎn)品里。政府還缺乏影響力，當談到中央實施的法規(guī)

27、時，各地區(qū)那里的政治和商業(yè)利益往往都非常的密切配合。</p><p><b>　　壁壘產(chǎn)生的影響</b></p><p>　　剩下唯一的選擇是向政府尋求減緩進口速度。如技術(shù)和安全標準等非關(guān)稅壁壘。像關(guān)稅和配合。這是受世貿(mào)組織的，但規(guī)則允許各國政府在其使用有更大的回旋余地，志要他們符合適用于國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)商的標準，并適用于所有外國同等的待遇。因此，對中國進口的安全，植物檢疫或

28、反對人數(shù)技術(shù)理由可能在未來十年大幅上升。對此類措施的必要性也有可能成為國內(nèi)行動者受影響的經(jīng)濟糾紛與家庭中央對進口商游說的市場生產(chǎn)者。</p><p>　　隨著中國的經(jīng)濟和政治產(chǎn)生的收益，也將有越來越多的政治家來維護國家利益。如果最近的增長在世界主要經(jīng)濟體中大幅放緩或逆轉(zhuǎn)以保護國內(nèi)，但就業(yè)壓力也將加大。在這兩種情況下，貿(mào)易障礙將提供政客一個方便的武器。保護主義者會發(fā)現(xiàn)他們的論點由中國自己不斷地加強質(zhì)量和衛(wèi)生標準，但

29、最近這方面的缺陷也日益在國內(nèi)和國外突出。</p><p><b>　　巧妙的對策</b></p><p>　　作為最新的貿(mào)易數(shù)字顯示，試圖延緩中國的主宰對來自內(nèi)部和外部的幾乎沒有影響，同樣有可能成為非關(guān)稅貿(mào)易壁壘。這些問題中國可能會采取行動，在邊緣進口放緩，但生長在中國的低成本制造基地和貨幣升值步伐緩慢意味著我國商品進入世界市場的速度是不可阻擋的。然而，上漲的主要經(jīng)濟

30、體之間在和中國的貿(mào)易對抗中有影響。主要的大國關(guān)系中似乎中國注定要加入才有助于確定新的全球權(quán)力結(jié)構(gòu)的特征。在其他地方，中國的崛起可鼓舞更多的貿(mào)易保護主義傾向的國家，從而有助于全球貿(mào)易談判進程，否認全球經(jīng)濟自由貿(mào)易的好處。</p><p>　　中國不會對有技術(shù)壁壘的國家進行貿(mào)易沖擊，中國對有植物檢疫和安全制裁的國家尋求報復(fù)（在某些情況下極不相稱的悠久歷史），來阻礙其貿(mào)易。當然，在2005年，韓國一起的健康問題，中國就