外文翻譯---中國采礦業(yè)的發(fā)展歷程

1、<p><b>　　附錄４</b></p><p>　　中國采礦業(yè)的發(fā)展歷程</p><p>　　在中華人民共和國六百萬位礦工在由礦工組成很好結(jié)束一半在世界和構(gòu)成采礦業(yè)的最大的區(qū)段的當中一個全世界。他們導致至少世界的煤炭產(chǎn)品的11%容易地生產(chǎn)其它主要生產(chǎn)商整個煤炭工業(yè)象澳洲或印度。中國是金屬和礦物的最大的生產(chǎn)商和消費者，當中在世界儲量最多的是：銻, 煤炭、鋼

2、、錳、錫、鎢和鋅；礦工生產(chǎn)至少占這些礦物的30% 。中國是獨特的在它的采礦業(yè)標度和變化; 但是, 一點公開被出版了在主題。這個報告概述在中國采礦的基本的現(xiàn)實和面孔在中國。 </p><p>　　今天在中國多數(shù)采礦被分類當鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)(TVE) 。在70 年代晚期當中國開始實施經(jīng)濟改革, 兩個想法“吸收節(jié)余農(nóng)村勞動力，加快促進經(jīng)濟增長和和勸阻過份都市遷移' TVEs 的想法由狀態(tài)繁殖了。TVEs 后來來控制中國

3、的農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟, 雇用120 百萬名工作者, 和生產(chǎn)億萬美元物品包括一切從玩具到煤炭。某一TVE 礦是大和足夠老練, 然而, 提出問題是否他們實際上是礦。有并且許多0N 私有的小礦和徹底的非法礦的一個不確定的數(shù)字。此外, 一些國有礦, 被認為大規(guī)模, 實際上是相當小和原始的。因而, 那里可能是采礦的沒有清楚的法律定義在中國。 </p><p>　　私人企業(yè)礦是堅硬的對分別于TVE 操作。他們由私有金錢主要提供經(jīng)費,

4、但這金錢經(jīng)常有與當?shù)卣賳T的一些連接。任何地方從一對幾個商人將設定一個小正式公司以歸屬被劃分成份額根據(jù)最初的貢獻。這些礦通常被準許, 但執(zhí)照由當?shù)卣賳T和主要形式提供。中央政府趕走了自己大多它的礦在過去幾年內(nèi), 給他們省和當?shù)卣５? 這些礦仍然屬于國有礦類別, 和不能被分離從正式統(tǒng)計。這些礦財政結(jié)構(gòu)很少清楚因為中國行動朝市場經(jīng)濟。這些國有小礦傾向于嚴密遵循法律比其它小礦, 和看上去有一個顯著更好的安全和環(huán)境紀錄比其他。<

5、/p><p>　　采礦操作由各種各樣的法律治理；但是, 一個法定社會的概念是相當新的對共產(chǎn)主義中國。大多法律是唯一十年或很老和他們意味更遠你越來越少得到從北京。礦工的當前法律位置是在漲潮, 特別是從命令要求所有小煤炭操作被關閉的6月13 日國務院。中國許多偏遠地區(qū)逐字地沒有其它方法為生計和因而設法給唯一嘴唇服務命令。這并且意味, 早先是合法的企業(yè)的數(shù)以萬計TVEs 將成為非法操作幾乎隔夜。有當前少量完全地非法礦工,

6、照原樣相對地容易得到某一類許可證從當?shù)卣?lt;/p><p>　　好奇地缺席的從當前的采礦操作的范圍在中國是合作社, 雖然某一TVEs 跑這樣。在我們的經(jīng)驗, 中國似乎疲乏對概念在幾年被強制執(zhí)行的集體化以后在經(jīng)濟改革70 年代晚期之前。各自的小礦正式很少合作互相在協(xié)會, 雖然所有者也許處于好關系與其它礦在區(qū)域和偶爾地談論技術(shù)問題。任何試圖設定合作社在中國的大部分大概會激起懷疑在政府和本機。 </p>

7、<p>　　多數(shù)礦民工在中國被分類作為農(nóng)夫(農(nóng)民), 但花費大多數(shù)他們的時間和從采礦獲得大多數(shù)他們的收入。礦關閉了大約十天在種植和收獲時間附近。出現(xiàn)從他們的狀態(tài)的問題因為農(nóng)夫是當政府或公司關閉采礦操作, 他們與民工不有關自己, 因為他們罐頭` 回歸到他們的農(nóng)場的。所有者通常是也許被介入在幾類型產(chǎn)業(yè)的商人。 </p><p>　　婦女和兒童直接地通常不被介入以采礦或礦物處理在操作在中國, 但是他們經(jīng)常是

8、在礦站點協(xié)助日常生活的烹調(diào)和其他方面。在某些情況下, 商人的妻子是活躍的在企業(yè)事務。婦女法律上被拒絕工作地下。總計但中國最貧困和偏遠地區(qū), 孩子通常上學校。法律上, 孩子被禁止工作直到16 年年紀, 但有不到年齡的男孩謠言服務在地方礦在偏遠地區(qū)。</p><p>　　對健康和環(huán)境的負面地影響由于采礦在中國巨型和難定量。首要是巨型的死亡人數(shù)在小煤礦。統(tǒng)計正式地顯示6,000 個煤礦工人模子每年。非官方地, 有大概上

9、百如果不是數(shù)以萬計更加未報告的死亡或嚴重的傷害。其它嚴肅的環(huán)境, 社會和安全問題有：</p><p>　　1．至少50 噸水銀年年散發(fā)從金礦和更從骯臟的煤炭燃燒。</p><p>　　2．侵蝕、聲音、塵土和視覺污染問題從礦, 特別是在獵物和聚集體區(qū)段。</p><p><b>　　3．粗劣的實踐。</b></p><p>

10、;　　4．損傷從石渣和金挖泥機。礦工經(jīng)常是移民從中國其它地區(qū)和帶來所有問題通常與相關移民勞工, 包括賣淫、暴力和被偏移的生活方式。有是對采礦的重大的變動過去十年。煤炭生產(chǎn)迅速地擴展了直到1997 年, 當中央政府工作對極限和一共然后停止, 采煤業(yè)。白云巖石灰生產(chǎn)商并且似乎快要得到停工。在1996 年9月, 多數(shù)a金礦活動由中央政府嚴密地禁止了。這也許停止了最壞合并實踐; 但是, 重大金子采礦繼續(xù)。在90 年代期間, 看起來, 水銀污染知

11、識極大傳播了, 并且反擊現(xiàn)在是相當共同?？傊? 礦工的技術(shù)似乎變得較不粗暴在十年期間。 </p><p>　　有很少用支持活動方式為礦工在中國。銀行財務是我們與似乎談話感興趣與銀行打交道的可利用, 但無礦工。國有礦和TVEs 得以進入對政府財政制度的一些, 會得以進入更好的向銀行。我們采訪的私有礦工整個地自已被提供了經(jīng)費。看起來不似乎任何生產(chǎn)商協(xié)會并且有很少技術(shù)協(xié)助可利用。設備制造商幫助以設備設施和經(jīng)常提供一些最

12、初的指示, 在之后礦工留下給他們自己的設備。從70 年代晚期直到90 年代中期, 政府鼓勵了采礦, 雖然主要由不干涉。NGOs 極端被制約在中國, 阻塞在困難的注冊章程繁文縟節(jié)。許多什么似乎是NGOs 由政府實際上設定, 為了得到國際資助可利用只對NGOs 。幾個真正NGOs 避過這由登記作為企業(yè)。這些傾向于集中于教育問題, 不與礦工相處融洽。問題的根是, 中國政府對任一個組織是不欠忠誠對共產(chǎn)黨的固有地疑神疑鬼或不設法掙金錢。 <

13、/p><p>　　每個外國采礦或探險公司和一些國有公司能給出問題例子有礦工的。這并且是一個敏感問題; 沒人想去在紀錄在這個題目并且我們不能發(fā)現(xiàn)文學對此。在過去十年, 大和小國際礦業(yè)公司舉辦了探險在中國并且我們懷疑任何一個沒有某一事件或另與礦工。只就夠了說,礦工一再開采在物產(chǎn)被準許對更大的公司, 通常高等級儲蓄。這可能做常規(guī)采礦更加危險(有小隧道到處), 較不有益和, 在例外情況, 可實行。對其它案件, 更大的公司經(jīng)常

14、變得對站點感興趣由于礦工的存在, 并且礦工經(jīng)常有一品種或另的地方許可證。更大公司送在警察和然后迫使礦工物產(chǎn)。這些撤除操作偶爾地轉(zhuǎn)動丑惡。經(jīng)常礦工是移民勞工, 和被迫返回到他們的家園。地方礦工也許被給報償如果一個更大的公司決定開發(fā)他們的物產(chǎn), 并且更大的公司有時安排其它區(qū)域為礦工對我的, 也許或不能是經(jīng)濟上可實行的。</p><p>　　中國并且進行了巨型的政府協(xié)會變動在過去幾年。局和部控制采礦業(yè)有他們的力量和狀態(tài)

15、最近顯著被減少。這巨大的漲潮的結(jié)果是, 少量官員知道任何東西關于礦工或是愿意使可利用什么他們知道。協(xié)會變動、繁文縟節(jié)和普遍腐敗做為巨大的困難與礦工打交道通過正式渠道。實質(zhì)上, 中國的采礦業(yè)是巨型的, 迅速地改變, 致命和在之下研究。</p><p><b>　　介紹</b></p><p>　　中華人民共和國采礦業(yè)雇用至少六百萬位礦工, 組成很好結(jié)束一半由礦工在世界和

16、構(gòu)成采礦業(yè)的最大的區(qū)段的當中一個全世界。他們導致至少世界的煤炭產(chǎn)品的百分之11, 容易地生產(chǎn)主要生產(chǎn)商整個煤炭工業(yè)象澳洲或印度。中國是金屬和礦物的最大的生產(chǎn)商和消費者的當中一個在世界上, 冠上世界在銻里, 煤炭、鋼、主角、錳、錫、鎢和鋅；礦工生產(chǎn)至少每個的百分之30 這些礦物。中國是獨特的在它的采礦業(yè)標度和變化; 但是, 一點公開被出版了在主題。 </p><p>　　它極端難贊賞多么敏感中國政府是關于信息關于采

17、礦。有政府(中央的五個主要水平, 省, 專區(qū)、縣和村莊) 。一些官員在中央政府和許多在更低的水平在官僚清楚地是心神不安的想到任何人, 特別是外國人, 研究這些事態(tài)。有幾個原因, 從國家安全關心對非常真正的恐懼, 中央政府將關閉得到消極宣傳的所有礦。此外, 中國官僚主義者根本上不相信開放透露。如果您告訴官員或商人(和他們壓倒多數(shù)是人在中國的采礦業(yè)) 與誰您不把個人連接, 您不可能獲得任何有用的信息(期限` 個人連接' 是中國期限的

18、一個過分單純的定義, 幾乎是生活方式) 。因而, 大多數(shù)研究你可能舉辦必須做通過人一個已經(jīng)知道。在某種程度上, 這是真實的到處在世界, 但中國官僚可能采取它對極端。舉辦的研究在中國可能是費時和困難的。</p><p><b>　　附錄5</b></p><p>　　China's course of development of the mining indu

19、stry</p><p>　　The six million artisanal miners in the People’s Republic of China compose well over half of the artisanal miners in the world and constitute one of the largest sectors of the mining industry w

20、orldwide. They produce at least 11 per cent of the world’s coal output, easily out-producing the entire coal industry of other major producers like Australia or India. China is one of the largest producers and consumers

21、of metals and minerals in the world, topping the world in antimony, coal, iron, lead, m</p><p>　　Most artisanal mining in China today can be categorized as Township and Village Enterprises (TVE). As China b

22、egan to implement economic reforms in the late 1970s, the idea of TVEs was propagated by the state both to ‘promote economic growth and to absorb the surplus rural labour force and discourage excessive urban migration’.

23、TVEs have since come to dominate China’s rural economy, employing up to 120 million workers, and producing billions of dollars of goods including everything from toys to </p><p>　　Private business mines are

24、hard to separate from TVE operations. They are mainly financed by private money, but often this money has some connection with local government officials. Anywhere from one to several businessmen will set up a small for

25、mal company with ownership divided into shares based on the initial contributions. These mines are usually licensed, but the licences are provided by local government officials and largely a formality. The central govern

26、ment has rid itself of most of it</p><p>　　Artisanal mining operations are governed by various laws; however, the concept of a legal society is rather new to communist China. Most of the laws are only a deca

27、de or so old and they mean less and less the farther one gets from Beijing. The current legal position of artisanal miners is in flux, especially since the 13 June State Council Order demanding all small coal operations

28、be shut down. Many remote areas of China have literally no other means for a livelihood and thus try to give only li</p><p>　　Curiously absent from the range of current mining operations in China are coopera

29、tives, although some TVEs are run this way. In our experience, China seems tired of the concept after years of enforced collectivization before the economic reforms of the late 1970s. Individual small mines rarely formal

30、ly cooperate with each other in associations, although the owners may be on good terms with the other mines in the area and occasionally discuss technical issues. Any attempt to set up cooperatives i</p><p>

31、　　Most artisanal mine labourers in China are categorized as farmers (peasants), but spend most of their time and derive most of their income from mining. The mines shut down for approximately ten days around planting and

32、 harvest time. A problem that arises from their status as farmers is that when the government or companies shut down artisanal mining operations, they do not concern themselves with the labourers, as they can ‘just retur

33、n to their farms’. The owners are usually businessmen who may </p><p>　　Women and children are usually not directly involved with mining or mineral processing in artisanal operations in China, but they are o

34、ften on mine sites assisting with cooking and other aspects of daily life. In some cases, wives of businessmen are active in business affairs. Women are legally barred from working underground. In all but the most impove

35、rished and remote areas of China, children usually attend school. Legally, children are prohibited from working until 16 years old, but there are</p><p>　　The negative impacts on health and the environment d

36、ue to artisanal mining in China are massive and difficult to quantify. First and foremost is the massive death toll in small coal mines. Statistics show over 6,000 coal miners die officially per year. Unofficially, there

37、 are probably hundreds if not thousands more unreported deaths or serious injuries. Other serious environmental, social and safety issues include: </p><p>　　At least 50 tonnes of mercury emitted annually fr

38、om artisanal gold mines and much more from dirty coal combustion. </p><p>　　Erosion, sound, dust and visual pollution problems from artisanal mines, especially in the quarry and aggregate sectors. </p&g

39、t;<p>　　Poor cyanidation practices. </p><p>　　Damage from gravel and gold dredges. Artisanal miners are often migrants from other areas of China and bring all the problems usually associated with mi

40、grant workers, including prostitution, violence and a displaced way of life. </p><p>　　There have been significant changes to artisanal mining over the past decade. Coal production expanded rapidly until 19

41、97, when the central government worked to limit and then stop altogether, artisanal coal mining. Artisanal dolomite-lime producers also seem to be in line for shutdown. In September 1996, most artisanal gold-mining activ

42、ities were strictly prohibited by the central government. This may have stopped the worst of amalgamation practices; however, significant artisanal gold mining c</p><p>　　There is very little in the way of s

43、upport activities for artisanal miners in China. Bank financing is available, but none of the miners we talked to seemed interested in dealing with the banks. The state-owned mines and TVEs have some access to government

44、 finance and would have better access to banks. The private miners we interviewed were entirely self-financed. There do not seem to be any producer associations and there is very little technical assistance available. Eq

45、uipment manufacturers o</p><p>　　Every foreign mining or exploration company and some of the state-owned companies can give examples of problems with artisanal miners. It is also a sensitive issue; nobody w

46、anted to go on record on this topic and we can find no literature on it. Over the last decade, big and small international mining companies have conducted explorations in China and we doubt that any of them have not had

47、some incident or another with artisanal miners. Suffice it to say, artisanal miners repeatedly mine on prop</p><p>　　China has also undergone massive government institutional change in the past few years. Th

48、e bureaux and ministries controlling the mining industry have had their power and status significantly reduced recently. The result of this huge flux is that few officials know anything about artisanal miners or are will

49、ing to make available what they do know. Institutional change, red tape and widespread corruption make for a huge difficulties in dealing with artisanal miners through official channels. In </p><p>　　Introdu

50、ction</p><p>　　The People’s Republic of China artisanal mining industry employs at least six million artisanal miners, composing well over half of the artisanal miners in the world and constituting one of t

51、he largest sectors of the mining industry worldwide. They produce at least 11 per cent of the world’s coal output, easily out-producing the entire coal industry of major producers like Australia or India. China is one o

52、f the largest producers and consumers of metals and minerals in the world, topping the w</p><p>　　It is extremely difficult to appreciate how sensitive the Chinese government is about information regarding a

53、rtisanal mining. There are five main levels of government (central, provincial, prefecture, county and village). Some officials in central government and many more at lower levels in the bureaucracy are clearly uneasy a