[雙語翻譯]城市治理外文翻譯--中國城市環(huán)境治理的創(chuàng)新（英文）

1、Available online at www.sciencedirect.comUrban environmental governance innovations in China Arthur PJ MolChina’s system of environmental governance is changingrapidly, resulting in new environmental institutions andprac

2、tices. State authorities rule increasingly via laws anddecentralise environmental policymaking and implementation.Non-state actors – both private companies and (organised)citizens – are given and taking more responsibili

3、ties and tasksin environmental governance. This results in new relationsbetween state, market and civil society in environmentalgovernance, with more emphasis on efficiency, accountabilityand legitimacy. The diffusion of

4、 these governance innovationsthroughout China as well as their environmental effectivenesswill be focal points for future research.Address Department of Social Sciences, Wageningen University, Hollandseweg 1, 6706 KN Wag

5、eningen, The NetherlandsCorresponding author: Mol, Arthur PJ (Arthur.mol@wur.nl)Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability 2009, 1:96–100This review comes from the inaugural issues Edited by Rik Leemans and Anand Pa

6、twardhanAvailable online 8th August 20091877-3435/$ – see front matter # 2009 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.DOI 10.1016/j.cosust.2009.07.002Introduction While national systems of environmental governance in most OECD

7、 countries have shown a considerable degree of stability over the past two decades, in China environ- mental governance is in flux [1]. Between 1991 and 2007, the staff of state environmental authorities increased from 7

8、0 000 to well over 170 000 and governmental environ- mental investments increased from RMB 10 billion to RMB 340 billion (and from 0.6% of GDP to 1.36% of GDP). Equally astonishing is the – still ongoing – trans- formati

9、on in environmental governance institutions, the subject of this review. The reasons behind these dynamics in environmental governance are manifold. A period with unprecedented economic growth and a mas- sive increase in

10、 urbanisation have accelerated natural resource use and environmental pollution dramatically, certainly over the past decade. Secondly, both new state– market relations following the transition of the former centrally pl

11、anned economy and inadequate state environ- mental authorities called for new modes of – and new actors in – environmental governance. Third, higher living standards of especially the urban population anda less rigid aut

12、horitarian state provided room for more civil expressions of environmental discontent. This further pushed reforms in environmental policy-making. And lastly, the rapid integration in the world economy and polity increas

13、ed international and national demands for new state policies [2?]. This article reviews some of the most important recent innovations in urban environmen- tal governance in China.Transitions within the environmental stat

14、e system Internally, the system of environmental state organis- ations in China is showing remarkable changes since the turn of the millennium, of which four deserve men- tioning.First, the content of environmental polic

15、y-making is rapidly modernised and updated. New environmental laws, such as the Cleaner Production Promotion Law (of 2002) [3], the Environmental Information Disclosure Decree (of 2008), and the Law on Promoting Circular

16、 Economy (of 2009), and new environmental policy instru- ments, such as voluntary agreements [4?] and emission trading [5??], point at a harmonisation of China’s environ- mental policy with that of OECD countries. But op

17、er- ationalisation and implementation of these modern environmental strategies keep some of their Chinese characteristics: low fines, an emphasis on promotion rather than regulation, and a complicated division of respons

18、ibilities between horizontal and vertical lines. Regardless the strong international influence and cooperation, some typically Chinese environmental policies remain intact, such as the three simultaneous principle [6] an

19、d the National Environmental Model City program [7].Second, decentralisation and more flexibility in environ- mental policy-making and implementation are paralleled by moving away from a rigid, hierarchical, command-and-

20、 control system. Increasingly local and provincial Environ- mental Protection Bureaus and local governments are given – and taking – larger degrees of freedom in devel- oping environmental priorities, strategies, financi

21、al models and institutional arrangements [8]. This is motiv- ated by past state failures in national environmental policy, but also part of a wider tendency of less centralised control. Decentralised and more flexible en

22、vironmental policies may be more effective as they can be better adapted to the local physical and socio-economic situ- ation. But citizens perceptions on the (environmental) performance of local urban governments are no

23、t very positive [9]. Hence, decentralised policies need to beCurrent Opinion in Environmental Sustainability 2009, 1:96–100 www.sciencedirect.comareas. Many small and rural industries still managed to escape payment owin

24、g to lack of enforcement. In addition to these fees, a growing number of pilot projects on pay- ments for environmental services can be witnessed, where resource consumers are financially compensated for less resource us

25、e (or less pollution) [22].Third, private companies are increasingly becoming involved in executing public tasks and services on the environment. Urban service provisioning in drinking and wastewater [23?], energy [24],

26、and solid waste manage- ment experiences all kinds of new public–private partner- ship models. Private (inter)national capital is included to remove financial shortages, poor service quality and inef- ficient operation.

27、Environmental service functions of provincial environmental authorities are also partly pri- vatised and commercialised (such as monitoring, edu- cation and information dissemination; [25??]).Fourth, in the wake of China

28、’s accession to the WTO, market demand increasingly triggers transparency, infor- mation disclosure [26??] and greening of products and production processes. Supply chains start to articulate environmental interests [27?

29、]. In China, a significant number of domestic labelling programs for green, organic, and healthy products have started, among others, in the field of food products, energy conservation, water con- servation, and building

30、 materials [28,18??]. Although a domestic market does exist for green labels, most of the organic food production is for the international market. While company social responsibility reporting is predo- minantly linked t

31、o internationally operating enterprises, both Chinese and foreign ones, certification of company environmental management (with over 10 000 ISO14000 certified companies in 2008) have been adopted by all kinds of companie

32、s [29,30?,18??].Civil society and information disclosure Besides a direct involvement of citizens in the making and implementation of environmental policies, China is also providing more room for citizens to organise the

33、m- selves, express their environmental concerns and set new public agendas for environmental reform [31]. A growing sector of (semi)independent non-governmental organis- ations addresses environmental issues. There are n

34、ow over 10 000 local, provincial and national environmental NGOs in China. The truly independent Chinese NGOs, also called grassroots NGOs, have far less impacts in China than the so-called Chinese-based western NGOs, ow

35、ing to less funding and lower degrees of professiona- lisation. Some NGOs are still related to state organis- ations, the so-called Government-Organised Non- Governmental Organisations or GONGOs [32?]. The action reperto

36、ire, activities and networks of all these Chinese NGOs differ from those of NGOs in OECD countries [33]. This emerging green civil society is also noticeable in the media. A growing body of researchanalyses mounting open

37、ness on environmental cata- strophes in the mass media and on the Internet [34– 36]. Especially on a local level and around national prestige projects as the 2008 Beijing Olympics ‘conven- tional’ reflexes of suppressing

38、 environmental criticism are still frequently reported. However, compared with sensi- tive issues as Tibet, the Falun Gong and Taiwan, the environment seems to experience limited reporting restrictions [18??]. In the tra

39、dition of right-to-know legis- lation, the 2008 Environmental Information Disclosure Decree forces authorities and companies to further open up their environmental information to the public. The independent Institute for