[雙語(yǔ)翻譯]城市管理外文翻譯--清理城市巴西貝洛奧里藏特市中心街頭小販搬遷研究（節(jié)選）

1、2000 英文單詞， 英文單詞，10500 英文字符，中文 英文字符，中文 3300 字文獻(xiàn)出處： 文獻(xiàn)出處：de Pádua Carrieri, Alexandre, and Ivana Benevides Dutra Murta. “Cleaning up the city: A study on the removal of street vendors from downtown Belo Horizonte, Bra

2、zil.“ Canadian Journal of Administrative Sciences/Revue Canadienne des Sciences de l'Administration 28.2 (2011): 217-225.Cleaning up the City: A Study on the Removal of Street Vendors from Downtown Belo Horizonte, Br

3、azilAlexandre de Pádua CarrieriAbstractThis article presents a critical analysis of the relocation of street peddlers in Belo Horizonte, Brazil to the Shopping Popular indoor markets of the city. In its attempt to “

4、clean up” downtown through such relocation, city council affected the dissolution of the informal work of the city’s peddlers and toreros and increased the precariousness of the political and social conditions these vend

5、ors face at work. We conducted a site visit and gathered data using discourse analysis, interviews, and desk research. We argue that city council’s public focus on urban revitalization served as a pretext that allowed fo

6、r the serious social problems underlying the peddler issue to go unaddressed. Keywords: Brazil, informal economy, peddlers, public policies, critical management studiesAccording to the International Labour Organization (

7、ILO, 2006), more than a 100 million of the total 239 million people of Latin America’s labour force work in the informal economy. In Brazil alone, there were more than 10 million informal enterprises in 2003 (IBGE, 2005)

8、, among which 10.3% were located in the state of Minas Gerais. A study by Curi and Menezes‐Filho (2009) concluded that between 1984 and 2001 Brazil experienced an increase in the transfer of workers from the formal to th

9、e informal sectors of the economy. The peddlers and toreros in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais belong to this informal economy in Brazil.The emergence of an informal economy is usually attributed to a crisis of the Fordist

10、Model, along with a lack of job opportunities. Because of Brazil’s low rate of industrialization, part of the population has “chosen” to make their living by pursuing informal work, which is characterized by precarious w

11、orking conditions and has been called “underemployment” (Noronha, 2003, p. 118). According to Cacciamali (2001), the informal economy has grown because of several factors such as: (a) an increase in the unemployment rate

12、s; (b) new flexible work‐contract categories; (c) low‐wage contracts and outsourcing; (d) expansion of small establishments without delimitation of the capital/work relation; and (e) independent contract work. Regardles

13、s of the source of the informal economy, Ribeiro (2005) argued that its existence—and the challenges it poses—cannot be ignored. Instead, governments must work to develop social and economic methods of inclusion for the

14、segment of the population that has been excluded from the formal work environment.Many studies on the informal economies in Brazil and Latin America have been conducted (as noted by Cacciamali, 2001). However, the majori

15、ty of them have only focused on how the growth of these informal economies has led to a reduction in tax revenues for governments. In the present study, we attempt to shift the focus to the effects that the informal econ

16、omy has had on the informal workers themselves.In the past few years, the city council of Belo Horizonte has put into effect a city‐management policy entitled Gestão de Cidades, meant to foster Centro Vivo3 (which m

17、ight be Belo Horizonte city. Belo Horizonte has a total population of 2,412,937 (IBGE, 2007) and a 0.839 score on the Human Development Index (IDH) of the United Nations (UNDP, 2011. From 1996 to 2003, the economically a

18、ctive population of Belo Horizonte was on the rise, growing from 1,021,000 people to 1,146,000 (Machado, Guerra, & Rodarte, 2004). Although 125,000 individuals became part of the workforce during this period, only 57

19、,000 thousand new jobs were created (Machado et al., 2004). This lack of new jobs is reflected in the increase in Belo Horizonte’s unemployment rate and explains the growth of the city’s informal work sector. Curi and Me

20、nezes‐Filho (2009) indicated that Belo Horizonte leads in the data presented above. According to Belo Horizonte’s city council (PBH, 2004), the central region of the city alone has registered a total of 2,572 informal tr

21、aders (peddlers and toreros) in 2004, testifying to the high number of workers in the town’s informal economy. In view of this, Belo Horizonte’s situation—the increase in the city’s unemployment rate, the expansion of it

22、s informal economy, and the deterioration of its working conditions—may be more alarming than that of any other Brazilian capitals (Antigo, 2005).Centro Vivo and Código de Posturas. The Centro Vivo program was creat

23、ed in 2004 by Belo Horizonte city council during the office term of Mayor Fernando Pimentel. The major aim of the program has been to transform Belo Horizonte’s downtown into a lively and attractive modern urban center w

24、orthy of being displayed in a postcard picture. According to city council (Alencar, 2004), Centro Vivo was created in an effort to revitalize public spaces, streets, and avenues, to stimulate and maintain the city’s urba

25、n spaces, to appraise the value of the urban landscape, and to stimulate the real estate market, strengthen security, and promote economic activity. Yet, despite these aims, we argue that city council’s ideological goal

26、of Centro Vivo is “formalization,” meaning the redirection of workers from the informal to the formal economy.In July of 2003, city council enacted the Código de Posturas law to establish “harmony and balance in the

27、 urban space.” A key provision of this legislation was to remove peddlers and toreros from the streets and to relocate them to Shopping Oiapoque (which would become the first of multiple buildings in the Shopping Popular

28、 district). Between July 2003 and January of 2004, 1,977 peddlers and toreros were transferred to Shopping Oiapoque from the streets of downtown Belo Horizonte. This number increased for the next three years, but then de

29、creased when some of these vendors returned to the streets, which was a violation of the Código de Posturas. In 2008, many toreros and peddlers were forced by legislation to return to Shopping Oiapoque.Shopping Oiap

30、oque. Shopping Oiapoque is located at 176 Oiapoque Avenue in Belo Horizonte, Brazil and its grand opening took place in August 2003. This indoor market has served as an example and inspiration for the construction of oth

31、er Shopping Popular districts in the city. In 2003, 650 informal workers who worked in downtown Belo Horizonte were transferred to Shopping Oiapoque. In 2004, the remaining stalls in the Shopping Oiapoque were finally re

32、nted by other peddlers and toreros. Currently, this indoor market has a parking lot, two food courts, and 767 stalls scattered around a 19,000 square meter area.MethodFrom July to September of 2008, we conducted 22 inter

33、views with peddlers and toreros as well as with the management of Shopping Oiapoque. These interviews were audio recorded and then transcribed. When an interview was not possible, a self‐report questionnaire was provided