外文翻譯--縣級地方政府績效審計芬蘭和挪威的效益審計效率性研究

1、<p>　　2420漢字，,1640單詞,9300英文字符</p><p>　　出處：Johnsen Å, Meklin P, Oulasvirta L, et al. Performance auditing in local government: an exploratory study of perceived efficiency of municipal value for mon

2、ey auditing in Finland and Norway[J]. European accounting review, 2001, 10(3): 583-599.</p><p><b>　　外文翻譯 </b></p><p>　　Performance auditing in local government: an exploratory s

3、tudy of perceived efficiency of municipal value for money auditing in Finland and Norway</p><p>　　Author: Age Johnsen, Pentti Meklin , Jarmo Vakkuri</p><p>　　There was an unambiguous, positive a

4、ttitude to performance audit among the three Norwegian informants. Performance audit was not regarded as an unnecessary mandatory task, but some instrumental task with the purpose of improving the municipal management. I

5、n particular it was regarded as an important and efficient tool for control and reform of the public sector. Performance auditing was regarded as a part of a double-loop learning process. The chief administrative officer

6、 of the county did, howe</p><p>　　Our informants estimated that 15?20% of the resources were used in performance auditing, but that 40?50% was desirable. Our finds are relatively similar to an earlier Norweg

7、ian study of desired and factual use of resources on performance auditing Schwanitz, 1997. She reported results indicating that in 1995 only 13% of the Norwegian municipal auditors’ resources were used in performance aud

8、iting. According to her survey the municipal auditors claimed that the desired level of performance auditin</p><p>　　The performance audit intended functions the 3Es were only partly achieved. The two chief

9、administrative officers thought the main reason for this could be poorly performed audits, mainly due to lack of competence among the auditors. However, they both pointed out that there had been a noticeable improvement

10、of the audits in later years. The informant from the municipal audit, on the other hand, thought that if the resources had been adequate according to the audit tasks, the quality of the audi</p><p>　　In so f

11、ar as there were audit reports of good quality, these were, according to the two chief administrative officers, used actively. The county chief administrative officer had the strong impression that the reports first of a

12、ll were used by the management leadership and by the politicians. Lower in the organizational hierarchy there was little interest in the work of the municipal auditor. He mentioned that poor quality of the audit reports

13、could be a possible reason for this lack of interest </p><p>　　The municipal chief administrative officer pointed out that the marginal utility of performance audits most likely was larger than the marginal

14、utility of traditional financial audit. With the use of sampling and the more recent development in audit information technology, this could be likely. On our question if the performance audit was performed to the detrim

15、ent of traditional financial audit, the informants answered that the resources were fixed. The extension of the scope of operation from </p><p>　　Regarding our two propositions on decoupling and symbolic use

16、 of information, the results in general did not warrant us to state that there were widespread symbolic and decoupled use of performance audit, rather on the contrary. It is in this respect necessary to devote attention

17、to the link between performance audit information and the ambiguity of goals in local government. The ways of using audit information are related with the conceptions of auditors, auditees and other stakeholders on the &

18、lt;/p><p>　　It seems to be fair to conclude that performance auditing has specific instrumental functions in local government. Moreover, performance audit reports are used, albeit somewhat differently than migh

19、t have been expected, by the symbolic and decoupling propositions. Compared to financial statement auditing, performance auditing has a more conspicuous connection to both performance improvement and day-to-day managemen

20、t processes in the municipalities and counties. Particularly, our third propositio</p><p>　　We think our study has two major implications for theory and practice in enhancing the understanding of how perform

21、ance audit in political institutions may have important instrumental and political functions. First, it is necessary to pose a question as to what extent performance audit can be a part of the process of determining ‘cor

22、rect’ and ‘incorrect’ goals for local government. This is one of the prominent future dilemmas in performance auditing. What if there are no explicit goals to audit?</p><p>　　Second, performance auditing in

23、local government in its modern form may still be relatively new. Over time, one may expect more loosely coupled but still highly rational use of performance auditing information. By this we mean that due to the instituti

24、onal context under which different actors employ performance audits, different actors may use this kind of information rationally according to their specific circumstances. For example: the political ruling coalition, th

25、e majority, could select and</p><p>　　The logic in the performance audit success paradox is that even though performance auditors could be relatively successful agents for society at large as principal in pr

26、oviding performance information as a collective good and thus function as watchdogs for democracy and transparency, the society is not a homogenous entity. The citizens have different preferences and the different politi

27、cal parties and interest groups have their different manifestos and agendas. </p><p><b>　　譯文 </b></p><p>　　縣級地方政府績效審計:芬蘭和挪威的效益審計效率性研究</p><p>　　作者:約翰森,麥克林,耶莫</p&g

28、t;<p>　　在挪威,三個被調(diào)查者對績效審計有明確而積極的態(tài)度。績效審計是為了提高市政府的管理,尤其是對一些公共部門的控制與改革,它不是基于任務性的一項活動。同時也是雙向?qū)W習的一部分。然而,一個縣的首席執(zhí)行官指出:它有一些功能障礙,會降低行政人員做事的合法性。在這方面,他指出有些參與到績效審計的政治家會利用媒體而借機夸大政治所得。除此之外,根據(jù)市政府法規(guī),審計報告必須首先上交給理事控制委員會的做法也是不可取的。他認為這是

29、對“矛盾原則”的違反。就這個原則陳述的相關部分而言,在報告之前大家都應該能夠熟悉文件的內(nèi)容,以防誤解并糾正缺點。 </p><p>　　雖然我們的檢舉人估計在績效審計中將用到15%-20%的資源,但是從實際情況來看40%-50%才是最為理想的。我們的資金調(diào)查與早前挪威的史瑞哲對績效審計的預期與實際利用結果的研究非常相似。她的報道結果表明:在1995年只有百分之十三的挪威市政審計師的資源用于績效審計。據(jù)她調(diào)查,市政

30、審計師宣稱績效審計的預期標準是利用總資源的30%。 </p><p>　　績效審計的預期功能經(jīng)濟性、效率性、效果性只有部分實現(xiàn)。兩個主要行政官員認為,表現(xiàn)出不良審計的主要原因是缺乏能夠勝任的審計人員。 然而,他們兩個也指出審計的質(zhì)量在最近幾年有著顯著的提高。另一方面,市政審計師中的被調(diào)查者認為,如果進行審計的資源十分充沛的話,那么審計的質(zhì)量將會令人滿意。如果市政審計傳統(tǒng)上是檢查賬簿,那就沒有必要提出了解政治制度中

31、內(nèi)在風險的前提。為了推動這一挑戰(zhàn),市政審計部門在招聘員工時要求其教育背景需偏離傳統(tǒng)的審計規(guī)章。本招聘策略旨在通過合并以前單一的市政審計部門,從而確定更多的審計人員去加強執(zhí)行力度,這種策略似乎是一個對提高審計能力的有效措施。市首席行政官員說他的市政區(qū)已經(jīng)開始與相鄰的四個直轄市合作設立合并地區(qū)的市政審計師,這樣做主要是為了提高績效審計質(zhì)量。同時,他也描述了一個不成功的績效審計項目:護理服務。上述問題產(chǎn)生的原因似乎在于方法不對,那些實施方案相

32、對于他們的發(fā)現(xiàn)是被夸大了的。 </p><p>　　據(jù)兩位主要行政官員指出,只要有良好的審計報告質(zhì)量就會起積極效果。一方面,縣首席行政官員要對被政治家們和管理部門的領導者使用的報告有很深刻的印象。政府等級越低,那么市政審計人員從中獲利就越少。另一方面,首席審計師說,市政審計的領導非常明白,報道在哪里有用,組織就會用它們。但是,現(xiàn)在又一種趨勢就是最高層的領導會經(jīng)常使用它們,因為這些數(shù)據(jù)直接表明了他們的決定及表現(xiàn)如何

33、。 </p><p>　　市政首席執(zhí)行官指出,績效審計的邊際效用最有可能比傳統(tǒng)的財務審計大。隨著抽樣調(diào)查的使用和審計信息技術在這些年的發(fā)展,這些都有可能相似的。關于我們的問題是否執(zhí)行績效審計能去除傳統(tǒng)的審計弊端,被調(diào)查者回答說,資源是固定的。從財務審計到績效審計范圍的擴大使得財務審計顯得相對不重要,對于上述情況,關于審計師的效果性、效率性、工作機構和管理部門,我們要站在審計師的角度要求增加革新和新思路。因此可以說

34、,市政審計師也將改善他們的執(zhí)行情況。 </p><p>　　關于我們對信息使用的不同見解,我們也無法提出相反的正當理由。我們應當更加關注績效審查信息和當?shù)卣哪繕四：g的聯(lián)系。被審計人員和其他的利益相關者,運用減少不確定性、目標含糊性和增強公共服務的合法性,從而使得使用審計信息的方法符合審計師的使用概念。芬蘭和挪威兩例都提供了一些證據(jù)。 </p><p>　　這似乎直接能得出這樣的結論

35、:績效審計對評估地方政府來說是一個很好的測評工具。使用績效報告也很好,即使有時候這些報告與預期的有所差距或者只是形式上的。但是與財務審計相比,績效審計對市縣的績效和管理水平的提高更有幫助。尤其是,我們的第三個主張在這些研究發(fā)現(xiàn)下受到肯定。以我們的數(shù)據(jù)為基準,以強調(diào)管理為評判依據(jù)的私人會計事務所在芬蘭自治審計市場來看好像已經(jīng)形成了一種風格,即績效審計。而挪威相較于芬蘭則不同,由于被審計人員參與度的不夠,審計人員更傾向于公共會計師的風格。

36、</p><p>　　我們認為我們的研究從理論和實踐兩方面做出了解釋,績效審計如何在政治組織機構中發(fā)揮工具性和政治性作用。第一,必須提出一個問題:對當?shù)卣畞碚f,績效審計以何種程度來評判他是對或是不對。這是一個重要的未來可能陷入困境的問題。如果沒有明確的目標審計怎么辦?正如在芬蘭的例子中發(fā)現(xiàn)的那樣,這個是績效審計領域的一部分。從經(jīng)濟性、效率性、效果性的觀點來看,并不是所有的問題事前都被考慮成是重要的。服務質(zhì)量,公

37、平性,公正性和相關的評價標準事后發(fā)現(xiàn)才是重要的。有許多問題在制定規(guī)定和進行分配時沒有顯得很重要,但是當審計時就會發(fā)現(xiàn)其重要性了。從審計角度來看,就能清晰地了解地方政府在目標設定時為何強調(diào)金錢的重要性。這同樣適用于地方政府活動的績效測量與評價,并以此來提高地方當局的行政績效。這樣一來,對應急費用的模糊處理不應該武斷的認為是標志性現(xiàn)象,而應該用積極地,進化的,政治的角度去探索。 </p><p>　　其次,在當?shù)卣?/p>

38、績效審計的現(xiàn)代形式可能仍然是比較新的。隨著時間的推移,人們或許希望更寬松的但更高度合理的使用審計信息。這就意味著在不同的組織機構下,不同的人會根據(jù)當時的條件雇傭不同的審計人員,使用不同的信息。例如:執(zhí)政黨、多數(shù)派,可以選擇和披露績效審計,如果它證實物有所值。同時,政治反對派、少數(shù)派,媒體可以選擇和利用信息戰(zhàn)略時,如果資料顯示貨幣價值低。這兩種合理使用政治的局面,是利用在市、縣信息外部連接到內(nèi)部機構。而這種進程可以提高沖突水平,并揭示出不

39、同的意識形態(tài)沖突,這或許能準確地表達什么政治制度管理模式應該做什么,預期或非預期的布魯森,1989年。然而,如果它是讓地方政府績效審計如我們描述的那樣在工作中用合理和對應的方法,那么從長遠來看,這還可能導致一種績效審計的成功悖論。 </p><p>　　在績效審計成功悖論中的邏輯就是, 雖然評審員可能是由社會中相對成功的代理人擔任,他們提供績效信息作為公共財產(chǎn),起著監(jiān)督民主和透明性的作用,但是社會不是同構實體。公