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1、<p>  中文4850字,2950單詞,15000英文字符</p><p><b>  比較增值稅與零售稅</b></p><p>  理查德費冉,泰蕾茲德麥圭爾</p><p><b>  公共經(jīng)濟學(xué)雜志</b></p><p><b>  2011 年4 月</b&g

2、t;</p><p><b>  增值稅概述</b></p><p>  作為政府收入的主要來源的增值稅正在被130 多個國家所使用。增值稅是一個普遍的,基礎(chǔ)廣泛的消費稅,增加商品和服務(wù)的價值評估上。增值稅是在生產(chǎn) 的每一個階段普遍征收的附加值,一個讓賣方為他們對自己購買的商品和服務(wù) (進項稅額)支付其銷售的商品和服務(wù)上收集到的稅種的稅收信貸機制(銷項稅額)。<

3、/p><p>  一般而言,增值稅有以下幾層含義:一個普通稅適用于所有涉及生產(chǎn)和銷售商品和提供服務(wù)的商業(yè)活動;消費稅最終由消費者承擔(dān);是間接征收消費的商品或服務(wù)價格的一部分;在每個階段的生產(chǎn)和分配階段間接稅可見多級稅收征收 消費的商品或服務(wù)價格;一個小幅收稅款,已被控在其所有的采購系統(tǒng),它采用的是由賣方收取了相應(yīng)的信貸索賠其所有銷售的增值稅或增值稅的部分付款。 增值稅納稅義務(wù)的計算方法有三種:信貸發(fā)票的方法

4、—加減法,和另外的兩種方法。只有信用發(fā)票的方法是相對使用廣泛的,這種方法涉及此列。信貸發(fā)票 的方法,突出了增值稅的定義功能:使用銷項稅(收集銷售稅)和進項稅(采購繳納的稅款)。一般納稅人收取的增值稅應(yīng)稅銷售額和應(yīng)稅采購所支付的增值稅之間的差額作為計算其增值稅納稅義務(wù)。這種方法需要使用發(fā)票,分別列出了所 有應(yīng)稅銷售額的增值稅部分。銷售發(fā)票的賣方成為買方的購貨發(fā)票。銷售發(fā)票顯示,收取的銷項稅額和購貨發(fā)票顯示支付的進項稅額。總之,納稅人使用發(fā)

5、票抵免的計算方法以下列方式匯到稅務(wù)機關(guān)的增值稅額如下:骨料的銷售發(fā)票中的增 值稅(銷項稅額);聚合在購貨發(fā)票所示的增值稅(進項稅額);減去進項稅額從 銷項稅額和任何余額</p><p><b>  一般增值稅計算 </b></p><p>  分析正在實施的增值稅,它提供了一個簡單的例子說明如何在面包生產(chǎn)實施增值稅。此例為:一個農(nóng)民的增長和銷售小麥到米勒,研磨成面粉的

6、小麥。米勒銷售的面粉,面包師,使面團和烤面包。面包,然后出售給雜貨店,賣面包給最 終消費者。在面包生產(chǎn)的每個階段,由賣方增加值,增值稅征收的數(shù)額。為了確保增值稅,僅在由生產(chǎn)者增加的價值征收,增值稅使用發(fā)票信貸機制。因此,賣面包的雜貨店,面包店收集增值稅30元,并聲稱輸入信用15元,支付的增值稅 時,貝克購買面粉。貝克結(jié)束了減免增值稅凈額 15 美元到稅務(wù)機關(guān)的責(zé)任。由增值稅創(chuàng)建的總收入的是面包生產(chǎn)的每個階段,在這種情況下為 5

7、0 美元,為收 集增值稅納稅義務(wù)的總和。雖然增值稅是一個基礎(chǔ)廣泛的一般消費稅(即,它適 用于所有的最終消費),也有增值稅的應(yīng)用程序時避免實例。還有,純增值稅狀 態(tài),例如,稅基將理論上包括由政府提供的服務(wù),一個人的個人影響的銷售, 及個人服務(wù)業(yè)的銷售;</p><p>  然而,沒有一個國家采用這個基地增值稅,或社會經(jīng)濟的 其他原因。因此,增值稅提供豁免或某些交易適用零稅率等級?!盎砻狻笔侵附灰渍卟⒉皇占P(guān)于其銷售

8、的增值稅,并沒有收到用于支付其購買的投入增值稅的學(xué)分?!傲愣惵省笔侵附灰渍叱袚?dān)的增值稅,這恰好是零的實際利率,并接收輸入繳納的增值稅信貸。交易一樣,潛在的納稅人可以免稅或零稅率。不獲豁免交易商的增值稅制度的一部分,而不是作為最終買方承擔(dān)。一個零稅率的企業(yè)不收取銷售的增值稅,但為它支付任何進項稅額補償。然而,如果在生產(chǎn)的最后階段出現(xiàn)的豁免,增值稅收入就會相應(yīng)減少,因為沒有轉(zhuǎn)移和增加稅收相應(yīng)的負(fù)擔(dān);在最后階段的增加價值,只能夠從增值稅中逃脫

9、?;砻庠鲋刀惖碾s貨店不征收增值稅,將無法要求支付其購買的稅收信貸。在 最后階段的豁免意味著雜貨商將成為面包的最終消費者。作為最終消費者,雜貨店將支付的增值稅作為購買價格的一部分。沒有轉(zhuǎn)移和增加稅收負(fù)擔(dān)會發(fā)生,因為雜貨商將無法通過稅收從輸入支付。在生產(chǎn)的最后階段發(fā)生的豁免是指輸入學(xué) 分鏈將停止在舞臺前的最后階段。貝克的舞臺后添加任何價值,只會逃避的增值 稅,有些豁免也可能是由于政府收入減少造成的。</p><p>

10、  間接稅如價外稅(增值稅)是占許多國家產(chǎn)生的很大一部分的稅種。在實踐中,增值稅系統(tǒng)的特點往往是免稅的,降低利率的。一個不均勻增值稅系統(tǒng)可能會產(chǎn)生效率損失和鼓勵尋租和騙稅活動。而且它還具有較高的行政成本。我們使用經(jīng)驗為基礎(chǔ)的可計算一般均衡模型為計算模型,開放的經(jīng)濟體,比如挪威,對直接稅和間接稅的進行了詳細(xì)的描述。比較三個增值稅系統(tǒng),兩個不同的的實施者和不均勻增值稅系統(tǒng)由前任和現(xiàn)任挪威增值稅制度為例,一般及統(tǒng)一的增值稅制度。我們的分析表明

11、,擴大增值稅制度不完善的地方,覆蓋更多的,但并非所有的服務(wù)是福利下的基線不均勻增值稅制度只涵蓋貨物。然而,通用和統(tǒng)一的覆蓋所有的商品和服務(wù)的增值稅制度是福利優(yōu)越的增值稅制度不完善。</p><p>  存在許多贊成的一般及統(tǒng)一的增值稅制度,不完善的,不均勻的實施者系統(tǒng)的幾個參數(shù)。這樣的系統(tǒng)可以提高經(jīng)濟效率和降低行政成本,尋租和欺詐活動大廳較低的利率和零評級(Keen和2006年史密斯)行業(yè)。一般的和統(tǒng)一的增值稅制

12、度等于所有商品和服務(wù)的一個統(tǒng)一的消費稅。這樣的系統(tǒng)也意味著,生產(chǎn)者的凈物質(zhì)投入的增值稅稅率為零,不論稅率結(jié)構(gòu)。這是最佳的生產(chǎn)效率定理(鉆石和米爾利斯)?;砻庠鲋刀愊到y(tǒng)違反了生產(chǎn)效率定理,因為稅務(wù)中間體產(chǎn)業(yè)之間的不同。另一方面,行業(yè)所涵蓋的增值稅制度,但有較低的稅率或零稅率,以及他們的銷售的青睞,因為他們可以撤回支出利率中間體的增值稅,只征收減少或零利率對他們的銷售。</p><p>  一般的和統(tǒng)一的增值稅制度也

13、可能有正面影響戶之間的福利分配。如果初始形勢的特點是大部分商品的增值稅,但僅限于一些服務(wù)的所有商品和服務(wù)的統(tǒng)一稅率可能會提高引進的福利分配,因為服務(wù)消費隨收入的份額變化了。</p><p>  熱衷缺乏價值利益點(2007年)從理論的角度出發(fā)討論了這一觀點,盡管在實際的稅收政策以及增值稅的普及增加了稅收。正如上面所提到的,增值稅系統(tǒng)一般不統(tǒng)一。理論分析要求相對簡單的模型和簡單的稅制結(jié)構(gòu)分析的實際政策,經(jīng)濟和稅收制

14、度的結(jié)構(gòu)是非常復(fù)雜的,需要有一個詳細(xì)的數(shù)值模型,以分析不同增值稅的影響系統(tǒng)。本文有助于擴大的不均勻增值稅系統(tǒng)不完善的福利效應(yīng),通過分析和比較不同的不完善,不均勻增值稅系統(tǒng)的一個統(tǒng)一的以增值稅體系內(nèi)的經(jīng)驗為基礎(chǔ)的動態(tài)可計算一般均衡模型(CGE)的小型開放經(jīng)濟。該模型反映了實體經(jīng)濟,挪威,并在許多方面有所不同,從更簡單的理論模型,滿足規(guī)范稅收理論的假設(shè),并建議統(tǒng)一的商品稅,加上沒有輸入稅務(wù)。</p><p>  在我

15、們的分析中,我們提出下列問題。不均勻增值稅制度,包括引進的只有一些服務(wù)可以使經(jīng)濟更糟不是只涵蓋貨物的增值稅制度,在這種情況下,為什么呢?這樣的改革,2001年挪威增值稅改革和歐盟增值稅改革的特點,從20世紀(jì)90年代后期的關(guān)系。一個額外的擴展,以一種統(tǒng)一和通用的增值稅制度是優(yōu)越的福利不均勻(實施者)增值稅系統(tǒng)和重要的前提條件是什么,正如下面將解釋的,不是純粹的理論依據(jù),建立福利排名增值稅等系統(tǒng),當(dāng)有稅收楔子和市場力量在經(jīng)濟中已經(jīng)存在的扭曲

16、?;€增值稅制度是不均勻的增值稅制度,主要涵蓋貨物。該基線增值稅系統(tǒng),然后與擴展不均勻挪威增值稅改革的2001年,和增值稅一般系統(tǒng)一個統(tǒng)一的特點是所有的商品和服務(wù),包括公共物品和服務(wù)的增值稅率。挪威2001年增值稅改革方向的增值稅一般系統(tǒng)包括許多服務(wù)中的一個步驟,但還是有很多豁免,零收視率和較低的利率。尤其是食品和非酒精飲料,增值稅稅率一般增值稅稅率的一半。政策改革公共收入中性,包干的傳輸以及在系統(tǒng)特定的增值稅稅率的變化進行了研究。隨著

17、收入中性的變化系統(tǒng)特定的增值稅稅率,增值稅系統(tǒng)可以排在福利方面效果。</p><p>  巴拉德等(1987)和戈特弗里德和威加德(1991)分析福利影響不同的增值稅系統(tǒng),包括免稅和零稅率靜態(tài)CGE模型。他們的消費需求模式可分性和同質(zhì)性假設(shè),贊成統(tǒng)一的增值稅制度,這是支持他們的政策模擬。相比之下,我們的模型是一個跨期消費需求沒有嚴(yán)格的同質(zhì)性假設(shè)一個小型開放經(jīng)濟的CGE模型。我們的模型分析增值稅轉(zhuǎn)型改革,因為它區(qū)分

18、了許多行業(yè)中,投入要素和消費品及服務(wù)設(shè)計。在消費需求系統(tǒng)和生產(chǎn)技術(shù)的建模和參數(shù)都是挪威數(shù)據(jù)全面的微觀和宏觀計量經(jīng)濟學(xué)分析的結(jié)果。該模型具有直接稅和間接稅的挪威系統(tǒng)的詳細(xì)描述。具體來說,包含在模型上的輸入因素和總的消費商品和服務(wù)的增值稅稅率凈增值稅稅率。我們不顧成本管理,尋租和居民之間的福利分配的影響。該模型強調(diào)的小型開放經(jīng)濟的特點,通過使用給定的世界市場價格和利率。目前在國內(nèi)市場的不完全競爭。一個統(tǒng)一的增值稅一般系統(tǒng)是不是在我們的模型中

19、最有效的先驗。</p><p><b>  零售稅概述</b></p><p>  現(xiàn)在才開始考慮部分增值稅和零售銷售稅(RST)之間的相似性和差異,本文的下一部分論述一個典型的零售銷售稅制度。美國各州實行的零售銷售和使用稅普遍征收的有形個人財產(chǎn)所有未明確豁免的零售業(yè)銷貨額。對服務(wù)的,只有那些明確列舉的應(yīng)課稅(沃倫,1998 年戈勒和拉蒙特)。零售稅一般按銷售發(fā)票和消

20、費者在銷售點收集。零售商負(fù)責(zé)匯款收集到稅務(wù)機關(guān)的稅收。從理論上講,零售銷售稅是單級的稅,是由最終消費者承擔(dān),這意味著稅應(yīng)僅適用于個人使用和 消費的最終銷售。因此,在經(jīng)濟過程中的中間交易被排除在外的銷售稅的范圍。 使用相同的生產(chǎn)面包上面的例子,征收銷售稅將只對生產(chǎn)的最后階段雜貨商向最 終消費者出售面包。然而,根據(jù)美國的銷售稅制度,并不限于一般銷售稅轉(zhuǎn)移到 經(jīng)濟過程中生產(chǎn)的最終產(chǎn)品的最終消費者。例如,開征銷售稅使用它來提供面包 雜貨商的卡車

21、上的物資采購沒有豁免。稅收背后的原因是卡車物資,不構(gòu)成的一 部分,面包和面包師被認(rèn)為是最終消費者用品。然而,為了達(dá)到某種均衡的零售 銷售稅的假象,許多州的銷售稅排除或免除大量的中間交易。</p><p>  1994年的財政改革是一個相當(dāng)全面的一攬子措施旨在關(guān)注的領(lǐng)域:制止財政下滑,并提供充足的財政收入,為政府,尤其是中央政府,消除扭曲要素,稅收結(jié)構(gòu)的其透明度;和改造中心地方財政收入分享安排。在其重點關(guān)鍵是是間接

22、稅的一項重大改革,擴大增值稅(增值稅)到,消除了產(chǎn)品稅和營業(yè)稅在許多服務(wù)取代。一些稅費的納稅人的稅收結(jié)構(gòu)和統(tǒng)一處理。</p><p>  稅收的核心是引入分稅制,改變了中央和省級收入之間共享政府。根據(jù)分稅制(TSS),稅收再分配之間的的中部大觀當(dāng)?shù)卣?。中央稅(或“中央固定收入),包括關(guān)稅,增值稅收入稅,由海關(guān)收入來自中央企業(yè),銀行和非銀行金融中介機構(gòu);匯出利潤,所得稅,營業(yè)稅,城市維護建設(shè)稅收集鐵路,銀行稅總部

23、和海上石油開采的資源稅。地方稅(或“本地固定收入”),包括營業(yè)稅(不包括上述命名為中央固定收入),的收入和利潤匯出的本土企業(yè),城鎮(zhèn)土地使用稅,個人所得稅,固定資產(chǎn)投資方向稅,城建維護稅,房地產(chǎn)稅,車輛使用稅,印花稅,屠宰稅,農(nóng)業(yè)稅,標(biāo)題稅,土地增值稅稅,國有土地銷售收入,來自基于土地資源的資源稅,證券交易稅。只有增值稅是共享的,地方政府在中央政府對地方政府,75%和25%的固定匯率。</p><p>  根據(jù)19

24、94年改革的第二個重要的變化是,為了避免當(dāng)?shù)刎毨栴}的努力,在收集中央政府稅,稅收征管改革,人事編制的全國稅務(wù)系統(tǒng)(NTS)收集中央政府的收入,和一個當(dāng)?shù)囟悇?wù)系統(tǒng),收集當(dāng)?shù)囟?。這是實現(xiàn)由分裂現(xiàn)有稅務(wù)局的語調(diào)和地方稅務(wù)機關(guān)。 NTS的主要責(zé)任是征收的增值稅和消費稅—他們收集所有兩稅,然后向當(dāng)?shù)卣?5%的增值稅收入轉(zhuǎn)移。在大多數(shù)地方實現(xiàn)了拆分重新分配人員根據(jù)他們目前的職能:負(fù)責(zé)營業(yè)稅被分配到NTS,分配給地方稅收去,向當(dāng)?shù)囟悇?wù)機關(guān)。綜上所

25、述,研究營業(yè)稅改增值稅對企業(yè)稅收影響的影響是一項非常系統(tǒng)的工程。首先,要對該項工程的必要性與重要性有一個清晰認(rèn)識;其次,要對該項工程的研究現(xiàn)狀有一個全面分析;最后,要對該項工程的加強路徑有一個科學(xué)把握。只有這樣,才能真正夯實該項工程的基礎(chǔ),增強該項工程的有效性與實效性。</p><p>  中國不會克服在提供服務(wù)的地區(qū)差距沒有進一步修改的TSS,1994年的改革確實太少,跨省的資源再分配比較復(fù)雜,這種情況可能會持

26、續(xù)很長一段時間,除非規(guī)則發(fā)生變化。為了減少水平的差距,更快速進行改革,中央政府必須能夠使用退稅均衡的份額越來越大,以資助貧困省份提供服務(wù)的改善。</p><p>  Comparing the Value-Added Tax to the Retail Sales Tax</p><p>  For Richard F. Dye , Therese J. McGuire</p>

27、<p>  Journal of Public Economics</p><p>  April 2011</p><p>  Overview of VAT </p><p>  More than 130 countries use VAT as a key source of government revenue. VAT is a gener

28、al, broad-based consumption tax assessed on the value added to goods and services. VAT is generally levied on value added at every stage of production, with a mechanism allowing the sellers a credit for the tax they have

29、 paid on their own purchases of goods and services (input tax) against the taxes collected on their sales of goods and service (output tax). Generally, VAT is: A general tax that applies to all c</p><p>  Th

30、ere are three methods of calculating VAT liability: the credit-invoice method, the subtraction method, and the addition method. This column deals with only the credit-invoice method, which is the most widely used. The cr

31、edit-invoice method highlights the VAT defining feature: the use of output tax (tax collected on sales) and input tax (tax paid on purchases). A taxpayer generally computes its VAT liability as the difference between the

32、 VAT charged on taxable sales and the VAT paid on taxable </p><p>  Indirect taxes such as value added taxes (VAT) generate a substantial part of tax revenue in many countries. In fact, VAT systems generate

33、a quarter of the world’s tax revenue. Nearly 130 countries now have a VAT system (with over 70 countries having adopted the system during the last 10 years) (Keen and Mintz 2004). More focus on internationally mobile tax

34、 bases has drawn attention to directing more of the tax burden to indirect taxes such as consumption taxes or VAT systems, and less to income</p><p>  al. 1995). A general VAT law covering all private goods

35、and services characterizes the current EU system, but there are still many exemptions from this general instruction.Such a VAT system also exists in Norway as a consequence of the Norwegian VAT reform in 2001. The reform

36、 introduced a general VAT law on services, but many exemptions are still speci?ed.</p><p>  There are several arguments in favor of a general and uniform VAT system, compared with imperfect, nonuniform (and

37、nongeneral) systems. Such a system may improve economic ef?ciency and reduce administration costs, rent-seeking and fraud activities by industries that lobby for lower rates and zero ratings (Keen and Smith 2006). A gene

38、ral and uniform VAT system equals a uniform consumer tax on all goods and services. Such a system also implies that the producers’ net VAT rate on material inputs eq</p><p>  taxation of intermediates will d

39、iffer between industries. On the other hand, industries that are covered by the VAT system but have lower rates or zero ratings on their sales are favored because they can withdraw expenditures to VAT on intermediates at

40、 full rates and only levy reduced or zero rates on their sales.</p><p>  A general and uniform VAT system may also have positive effects on the distribution of welfare among households. If the initial situat

41、ion is characterized by a VAT on most goods but only on a few services, the introduction of a uniform rate on all goods and services may improve the distribution of welfare because services’ share of consumption increase

42、s with income.</p><p>  Keen (2007) points to the lack of interest in value added taxation from the theoretical second-best literature in spite of the VAT’s popularity in practical tax policy. As mentioned a

43、bove, VAT systems are in general not uniform. Theoretical analyses demand relatively simple models and simple tax structures to be analytically tractable.In practical policies, the structures of the economy and the tax s

44、ystems are quite complex, and there is a need for detailed numerical models in order to analyze t</p><p>  VAT system within an empirically based dynamic computable general equilibrium (CGE) model for a smal

45、l open economy. This model mirrors a real economy, Norway, and differs in many respects from the more simple theoretical models that ful?ll the assumptions of normative tax theory and recommend uniform commodity taxes, c

46、ombined with no input taxation.</p><p>  In our analyses, we ask the following questions. Can the introduction of a nonuniform VAT system including only some services make the economy worse off than having a

47、 VAT system only covering goods and in that case, why? Such reforms characterize both the Norwegian VAT reform of 2001 and the EU VAT reform from the late 1990-ties. Will an additional extension to a uniform and general

48、VAT system be welfare superior to the nonuniform (and nongeneral) VAT systems and what are important preconditions</p><p>  the system-speci?c VAT rate, the VAT systems can be ranked with respect to welfare&

49、lt;/p><p><b>  effects.</b></p><p>  Ballard et al. (1987) and Gottfried and Wiegard (1991) analyze the welfare effects of different VAT systems including tax exemptions and zero rating

50、s in static CGE models. The separability and homogeneity assumptions in their consumer demand models favor a uniform VAT system, which is supported in their policy simulations. In contrast, our model is an intertemporal

51、CGE model for a small open economy without strict homogeneity assumptions in consumer demand. Our model is well designed for analyzi</p><p>  When comparing the two different nonuniform VAT systems, our anal

52、ysis shows that an imperfect extension of the VAT system to cover more services is welfare inferior to the baseline nonuniform VAT system only covering goods. Obtaining ef?ciency in production is empirically important fo

53、r the welfare effects of the different VAT systems. An imperfect extension of the VAT system reduces ef?ciency in production because intermediates will be taxed differently for different industries. Consumer ef?cien</

54、p><p>  welfare compared to the other imperfect regimes. A signi?cant empirical advantage of the general and uniform system, which is revealed by the computations, is also its ability to reduce initial wedges i

55、n deliveries to the export and domestic markets.</p><p>  General VAT Computation</p><p>  To see VAT in action, consider Exhibit 1 on p. 612, which provides a simple illustration of how VAT is

56、implemented in the production of bread. A farmer grows and sells wheat to a miller, who grinds the wheat into flour. The miller sells the flour 2 to a baker, who makes the dough and bakes the bread. The bread is then sol

57、d to the grocer, who sells the bread to the final consumer. In each stage of bread production, value is added by the seller, and VAT is levied on that amount. To ensure that VAT</p><p>  However, if the exem

58、ption occurs at the last stage of production, there is a corresponding decrease in VAT revenue because there is no shifting and increase of tax burden; the value added at the final stage simply escapes from VAT. As shown

59、 in Exhibit 3, exempting the grocer from VAT means the grocer would not collect VAT and would not be able to claim credit for the tax it paid on its purchase. The exemption at the last stage means that the grocer would b

60、ecome the final consumer of the bread. A</p><p>  Overview of Retail Sales and Use Tax </p><p>  Before considering some of the similarities and differences between VAT and the retail sales tax

61、(RST), this column next considers a typical retail sales tax system. The retail sales and use tax imposed by U.S. states is generally levied on all retail sales of tangible personal property that are not explicitly exemp

62、ted. For services, only those explicitly enumerated are taxable (Warren, Gorham and Lamont 1998)). The tax is generally stated on the sales receipt and is collected from the consumer </p><p>  The 1994 Tax S

63、haring Reform</p><p>  The fiscal reform of 1994 was a fairly comprehensive package of measures designed to address three areas of concern: to stem the fiscal decline and provide adequate revenues for govern

64、ment, especially central government; eliminate the distortionary elements of the tax structure andincrease its transparency; and revamp central-local revenue sharing arrangements. Among its key provisions was a major ref

65、orm in indirect taxes that extended the value-added tax (VAT) to allturnover, eliminating the pr</p><p>  The centerpiece of the package was introduction of the Tax Sharing System (fenshuizhi), which fundame

66、ntally changed the way revenues are shared between the central and provincial</p><p>  governments. Under the Tax Sharing System (TSS), taxes were reassigned between the centraland local governments. Central

67、 taxes (or "central fixed incomes") include customs duties, the consumption tax, VAT revenues collected by customs, income taxes from central enterprises,banks and nonbank financial intermediaries; the remitted

68、 profits, income taxes, business taxes ,and urban construction and maintenance taxes of the railroad, bank headquarters and insurance companies; and resource taxes on off</p><p>  The second important change

69、 under the 1994 reform was that to avoid the problem of poor local effort in collecting central government taxes, tax administration was also reformed, with the establishment of a national tax system (NTS) to collect cen

70、tral government revenues, and a local tax system to collect local taxes. This was achieved by splitting the existing tax bureaus intonational and local tax offices. The main responsibility of the NTS is the collection of

71、 VAT and consumption tax -- they </p><p>  China will not overcome the regional disparities in service delivery without further revision of TSS. The 1994 reforms did too little to redistribute resources acro

72、ss provinces, and this situation will likely persist for a long time unless the rules are changed. To reduce horizontal disparities more quickly, the central government must be able to use an increasing share of the tax

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